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Riddles of Philosophy
Part I
GA 18

V. The World Conceptions of the Modern Age of Thought Evolution

[ 1 ] The rise of natural science in modern times had as its fundamental cause the same search as the mysticism of Jakob Boehme. This becomes apparent in a thinker who grew directly out of the spiritual movement, which in Copernicus (1473–1543), Kepler (1571–1630), Galileo (1564–1642), and others, led to the first great accomplishments of natural science in modern times. This thinker is Giordano Bruno (1548–1600). When one sees how his world consists of infinitely small, animated, psychically self-aware, fundamental beings, the monads, which are uncreated and indestructible, producing in their combined activity the phenomena of nature, one could be tempted to group him with Anaxagoras, for whom the world consists of the “homoiomeries.”

Yet, there is a significant difference between these two thinkers. For Anaxagoras, the thought of the homoiomeries unfolds while he is engaged in the contemplation of the world; the world suggests these thoughts to him. Giordano Bruno feels that what lies behind the phenomena of nature must be thought of as a world picture in such a way that the entity of the ego is possible in this world picture. The ego must be a monad; otherwise, it could not be real. Thus, the assumption of the monads becomes necessary. As only the monad can be real, therefore, the truly real entities are monads with different inner qualities.

In the depths of the soul of a personality like Giordano Bruno, something happens that is not raised into full consciousness; the effect of this inner process is then the formation of the world picture. What goes on in the depths is an unconscious soul process. The ego feels that it must form such a conception of itself that its reality is assured, and it must conceive the world in such a way that the ego can be real in it. Giordano Bruno has to form the conception of the monad in order to render possible the realization of both demands. In his thought the ego struggles for its existence in the world conception of the modern age, and the expression of this struggle is the view: I am a monad; such an entity is uncreated and indestructible.

[ 2 ] A comparison shows how different the ways are in which Aristotle and Giordano Bruno arrive at the conception of God. Aristotle contemplates the world; he sees the evidence of reason in natural processes; he surrenders to the contemplation of this evidence; at the same time, the processes of nature are for him evidence of the thought of the “first mover” of these processes. Giordano Bruno fights his way through to the conception of the monads. The processes of nature are, as it were, extinguished in the picture in which innumerable monads are presented as acting on each other; God becomes the power entity that lives actively in all monads behind the processes of the perceptible world. In Giordano Bruno's passionate antagonism against Aristotle, the contrast between the thinker of ancient Greece and of the philosopher of modern times becomes manifest.

[ 3 ] It becomes apparent in the modern philosophical development in a great variety of ways how the ego searches for means to experience its own reality in itself. What Francis Bacon of Verulam (1561–1626) represents in his writings has the same general character even if this does not at first sight become apparent in his endeavors in the field of philosophy. Bacon of Verulam demands that the investigation of world phenomena should begin with unbiased observation. One should then try to separate the essential from the nonessential in a phenomenon in order to arrive at a conception of whatever lies at the bottom of a thing or event. He is of the opinion that up to his time the fundamental thoughts, which were to explain the world phenomena, had been conceived first, and only thereafter were the description of the individual things and events arranged to fit these thoughts. He presupposed that the thoughts had not been taken out of the things themselves. Bacon wanted to combat this (deductive) method with his (inductive) method. The concepts are to be formed in direct contact with the things. One sees, so Bacon reasons, how an object is consumed by fire; one observes how a second object behaves with relation to fire and then observes the same process with many objects. In this fashion one arrives eventually at a conception of how things behave with respect to fire. The fact that the investigation in former times had not proceeded in this way had, according to Bacon's opinion, caused human conception to be dominated by so many idols instead of the true ideas about the things.

[ 4 ] Goethe gives a significant description of this method of thought of Bacon of Verulam.

Bacon is like a man who is well-aware of the irregularity, insufficiency and dilapidated condition of an old building, and knows how to make this clear to the inhabitants. He advises them to abandon it, to give up the land, the materials and all appurtenances, to look for another plot, and to erect a new building. He is an excellent and persuasive speaker. He shakes a few walls. They break down and some of the inhabitants are forced to move out. He points out new building grounds; people begin to level it off, and yet it is everywhere too narrow. He submits new plans; they are not clear, not inviting. Mainly, he speaks of new unknown materials and now the world seems to be well-served. The crowd disperses in all directions and brings back an infinite variety of single items while at home, new plans, new activities and settlements occupy the citizens and absorb their attention.

[ 5 ] Goethe says this in his history of the theory of color where he speaks about Bacon. In a later part of the book dealing with Galileo, he says:

If through Verulam's method of dispersion, natural science seemed to be forever broken up into fragments, it was soon brought to unity again by Galileo. He led natural philosophy back into the human being. When he developed the law of the pendulum and of falling bodies from the observation of swinging church lamps, he showed even in his early youth that, for the genius, one case stands for a thousand cases. In science, everything depends on what is called, an aperçu, that is, on the ability of becoming aware of what is really fundamental in the world of phenomena. The development of such an awareness is infinitely fruitful.

With these words Goethe indicated distinctly the point that is characteristic of Bacon. Bacon wants to find a secure path for science because he hopes that in this way man will find a dependable relationship to the world. The approach of Aristotle, so Bacon feels, can no longer be used in the modern age. He does not know that in different ages different energies of the soul are predominantly active in man. He is only aware of the fact that he must reject Aristotle. This he does passionately. He does it in such a way that Goethe is lead to say, “How can one listen to him with equanimity when he compares the works of Aristotle and of Plato with weightless tablets, which, just because they did not consist of a good solid substance, could so easily float down to us on the stream of time.”

Bacon does not understand that he is aiming at the same objective that has been reached by Plato and Aristotle, and that he must use different means for the same aim because the means of antiquity can no longer be those of the modern age. He points toward a method that could appear fruitful for the investigation in the field of external nature, but as Goethe shows in the case of Galileo, even in this field something more is necessary than what Bacon demands.

The method of Bacon proves completely useless, however, when the soul searches not only for an access to the investigation of individual facts, but also to a world conception. What good is a groping search for isolated phenomena and a derivation of general ideas from them, if these general ideas do not, like strokes of lightning, flash up out of the ground of being in the soul of man, rendering account of their truth through themselves. In antiquity, thought appeared like a perception to the soul. This mode of appearance has been dampened through the brightness of the new ego-consciousness. What can lead to thoughts capable of forming a world conception in the soul must be so formed as if it were the soul's own invention, and the soul must search for the possibility of justifying the validity of its own creation. Bacon has no feeling for all this. He, therefore, points to the materials of the building for the construction of the new world conception, namely, the individual natural phenomena. It is, however, no more possible that one can ever build a house by merely observing the form of the building stones that are to be used, than that a fruitful world conception could ever arise in a soul that is exclusively concerned with the individual processes of nature.

[ 6 ] Contrary to Bacon of Verulam, who pointed toward the bricks of the building, Descartes (Cartesius) and Spinoza turned their attention toward its plan. Descartes was born in 1596 and died in 1650. The starting point of his philosophical endeavor is significant with him. With an unbiased questioning mind he approaches the world, which offers him much of its riddles partly through revealed religion, partly through the observation of the senses. He now contemplates both sources in such a way that he does not simply accept and recognize as truth what either of them offers to him. Instead, he sets against the suggestions of both sources the “ego,” which answers out of its own initiative with its doubt against all revelation and against all perception. In the development of modern philosophical life, this move is a fact of the most telling significance. Amidst the world the thinker allows nothing to make an impression on his soul, but sets himself against everything with a doubt that can derive its support only from the soul itself. Now the soul apprehends itself in its own action: I doubt, that is to say, I think. Therefore, no matter how things stand with the entire world, in my doubt-exerting thinking I come to the clear awareness that I am. In this manner, Cartesius arrives at his Cogito ergo sum, I think, therefore I am. The ego in him conquers the right to recognize its own being through the radical doubt directed against the entire world.

Descartes derives the further development of his world conception out of this root. In the “ego” he had attempted to seize existence. Whatever can justify its existence together with the ego may be considered truth. The ego finds in itself, innate to it, the idea of God. This idea presents itself to the ego as true, as distinct as the ego itself, but it is so sublime, so powerful, that the ego cannot have it through its own power. Therefore, it comes from transcendent reality to which it corresponds. Descartes believes in the reality of the external world, not because this external world presents itself as real, but because the ego must believe in itself and then subsequently in God, and because God must be thought as truthful. For it would be untrue of God to suggest a real external world to man if the latter did not exist.

[ 7 ] It is only possible to arrive at the recognition of the reality of the ego as Descartes does through a thinking that in the most direct manner aims at the ego in order to find a point of support for the act of cognition. That is to say, this possibility can be fulfilled only through an inner activity but never through a perception from without. Any perception that comes from without gives only the qualities of extension. In this manner, Descartes arrives at the recognition of two substances in the world: One to which extension, and the other to which thinking, is to be attributed and that has its roots in the human soul. The animals, which in Descartes's sense cannot apprehend themselves in inner self-supporting activity, are accordingly mere beings of extension, automata, machines. The human body, too, is nothing but a machine. The soul is linked up with this machine. When the body becomes useless through being worn out or destroyed in some way, the soul abandons it to continue to live in its own element.

[ 8 ] Descartes lives in a time in which a new impulse in the philosophical life is already discernible. The period from the beginning of the Christian era until about the time of Scotus Erigena develops in such a way that the inner experience of thought is enlivened by a force that enters the spiritual evolution as a powerful impulse. The energy of thought as it awakened in Greece is outshone by this power. Outwardly, the progress in the life of the human soul is expressed in the religious movements and by the fact that the forces of the youthful nations of Western and Central Europe become the recipients of the effects of the older forms of thought experience. They penetrate this experience with the younger, more elementary impulses and thereby transform it. In this process one forward step in the progress in human evolution becomes evident that is caused by the fact that older and subtle traces of spiritual currents that have exhausted their vitality, but not their spiritual possibilities, are continued by youthful energies emerging from the natural spring of mankind. In such processes one will be justified in recognizing the essential laws of the evolution of mankind. They are based on rejuvenating tendencies of the spiritual life. The acquired forces of the spirit can only then continue to unfold if they are transplanted into young, natural energies of mankind.

The first eight centuries of the Christian era present a continuation of the thought experience in the human soul in such a way that the new forces about to emerge are still dormant in hidden depths, but they tend to exert their formative effect on the evolution of world conception. In Descartes, these forces already show themselves at work in a high degree. In the age between Scotus Erigena and approximately the fifteenth century, thought, which in the preceding period did not openly unfold, comes again to the fore in its own force. Now, however, it emerges from a direction quite different from that of the Greek age. With the Greek thinkers, thought is experienced as a perception. From the eighth to the fifteenth centuries it comes from out of the depth of the soul so that man has the feeling: Thought generates itself within me. In the Greek thinkers, a relation between thought and the processes of nature was still immediately established; in the age just referred to, thought stands out as the product of self-consciousness. The thinker has the feeling that he must prove thought as justified. This is the feeling of the nominalists and the realists. This is also the feeling of Thomas Aquinas, who anchors the experience of thought in religious revelation.

[ 9 ] The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries introduce a new impulse to the souls. This is slowly prepared and slowly absorbed in the life of the soul. A transformation takes place in the organization of the human soul. In the field of philosophical life, this transformation becomes manifest through the fact that thought cannot now be felt as a perception, but as a product of self-consciousness. This transformation in the organization of the human soul can be observed in all fields of the development of humanity. It becomes apparent in the renaissance of art and science, and of European life, as well as in the reformatory religious movements. One will be able to discover it if one investigates the art of Dante and Shakespeare with respect to their foundations in the human soul development. Here these possibilities can only be indicated, since this sketch is intended to deal only with the development of the intellectual world conception.

[ 10 ] The advent of the mode of thought of modern natural science appears as another symptom of this transformation of the human soul organization. Just compare the state of the form of thinking about nature as it develops in Copernicus, Galileo and Kepler with what has preceded them, This natural scientific conception corresponds to the mood of the human soul at the beginning of the modern age in the sixteenth century. Nature is now looked at in such a way that the sense observation is to be the only witness of it. Bacon is one, Galileo another personality in whom this becomes apparent. The picture of nature is no longer drawn in a manner that allows thought to be felt in it as a power revealed by nature. Out of this picture of nature, every trait that could be felt as only a product of self-consciousness gradually vanishes. Thus, the creations of self-consciousness and the observation of nature are more and more abruptly contrasted, separated by a gulf, From Descartes on a transformation of the soul organization becomes discernible that tends to separate the picture of nature from the creations of the self-consciousness. With the sixteenth century a new tendency in the philosophical life begins to make itself felt. While in the preceding centuries thought had played the part of an element, which, as a product of self-consciousness, demanded its justification through the world picture, since the sixteenth century it proves to be clearly and distinctly resting solely on its own ground in the self-consciousness. Previously, thought had been felt in such a manner that the picture of nature could be considered a support for its justification; now it becomes the task of this element of thought to uphold the claim of its validity through its own strength. The thinkers of the time that now follows feel that in the thought experience itself something must be found that proves this experience to be the justified creator of a world conception.

[ 11 ] The significance of the transformation of the soul life can be realized if one considers the way in which philosophers of nature, like H. Cardanus (1501–1576) and Bernardinus Telesius (1508–1588), still spoke of natural processes. In them a picture of nature still continued to show its effect and was to lose its power through the emergence of the mode of conception of natural science of Copernicus, Galileo and others. Something still lives in the mind of Cardanus of the processes of nature, which he conceives as similar to those of the human soul. Such an assertion would also have been possible to Greek thinking. Galileo is already compelled to say that what man has as the sensation of warmth within himself, for instance, exists no more in external nature than the sensation of tickling that a man feels when the sole of his foot is touched by a feather. Telesius still feels justified to say that warmth and coldness are the driving forces of the world processes, and Galileo must already make the statement that man knows warmth only as an inner experience. In the picture of nature he allows as thinkable only what contains nothing of this inner experience. Thus, the conceptions of mathematics and mechanics become the only ones that are allowed to form the picture of nature. In a personality like Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519), who was just as great as a thinker as he was an artist, we can recognize the striving for a new law-determined picture of nature. Such spirits feel it necessary to find an access to nature not yet given to the Greek way of thinking and its after effects in the Middle Ages. Man now has to rid himself of whatever experiences he has about his own inner being if he is to find access to nature. He is permitted to depict nature only in conceptions that contain nothing of what he experiences as the effects of nature in himself.

[ 12 ] Thus, the human soul dissociates itself from nature; it takes its stand on its own ground. As long as one could think that the stream of nature contained something that was the same as what was immediately experienced in man, one could, without hesitation, feel justified to have thought bear witness to the events of nature. The picture of nature of modern times forces the human consciousness to feel itself outside nature with its thought. This consciousness further establishes a validity for its thought, which is gained through its own power.

[ 13 ] From the beginning of the Christian Era to Scotus Erigena, the experience of thought continues to be effective in such a way that its form is determined by the presupposition of a spiritual world, namely, the world of religious revelation. From the eighth to the sixteenth century, thought experience wrests itself free from the inner self-consciousness but allows, besides its own germinating power, the other power of consciousness, revelation, to continue in its existence. From the sixteenth century on, it is the picture of nature that eliminates the experience of thought itself; henceforth, the self-consciousness attempts to produce, out of its own energies, the resources through which it is possible to form a world conception with the help of thought. It is with this task that Descartes finds himself confronted. It is the task of the thinkers of the new period of world conception.

[ 14 ] Benedict Spinoza (1632–1677) asks himself, “What must be assumed as a starting point from which the creation of a true world picture may proceed? This beginning is caused by the feeling that innumerable thoughts may present themselves in my soul as true; I can admit as the corner stone for a world conception only an element whose properties I must first determine.” Spinoza finds that one can only begin with something that is in need of nothing else for its being. He gives the name, substance, to this being. He finds that there can be only one such substance, and that this substance is God. If one observes the method by which Spinoza arrives at this beginning of his philosophy, one finds that he has modeled it after the method of mathematics. Just as the mathematician takes his start from general truths, which the human ego forms itself in free creation, so Spinoza demands that philosophy should start from such spontaneously created conceptions. The one substance is as the ego must think it to be. Thought in this way, it does not tolerate anything existing outside itself as a peer, for then it would not be everything. It would need something other than itself for its existence. Everything else is, therefore, only of the substance, as one of its attributes, as Spinoza says. Two such attributes are recognizable to man. He sees the first when he looks at the outer world; the second, when he turns his attention inward. The first attribute is extension; the second, thinking. Man contains both attributes in his being. In his body he has extension; in his soul, thinking. When he thinks, it is the divine substance that thinks; when he acts, it is this substance that acts. Spinoza obtains the existence (Dasein) for the ego in anchoring it in the general all-embracing divine substance. Under such circumstances there can be no question of an absolute freedom of man, for man is no more to be credited with the initiative of his actions and thought than a stone with that of its motion; the agent in everything is the one substance. We can speak of a relative freedom in man only when he considers himself not as an individual entity, but knows himself as one with the one substance.

Spinoza's world conception, if consistently developed to its perfection, leads a person to the consciousness: I think of myself in the right way if I no longer consider myself, but know myself in my experience as one with the divine whole. This consciousness then, to follow Spinoza, endows the whole human personality with the impulse to do what is right, that is to say, god-filled action. This results as a matter of course for the one for whom the right world conception is realized as the full truth. For this reason Spinoza calls the book in which he presents his world conception, Ethics. For him, ethics, that is to say, moral behavior, is in the highest sense the result of the true knowledge of man's dwelling in the one substance. One feels inclined to say that the private life of Spinoza, of the man who was first persecuted by fanatics and then, out of his own free will give away his fortune and sought his subsistence in poverty as a craftsman, was in the rarest fashion the outer expression of his philosophical soul, which knew its ego in the divine whole and felt its inner experience, indeed, all experience, illumined by this consciousness.

[ 15 ] Spinoza constructs a total world conception out of thoughts. These thoughts have to satisfy the requirement that they derive their justification for the construction of the picture out of the self-consciousness. In it their certainty must be rooted. Thoughts that are conceived by human consciousness in the same way as the self-supporting mathematical ideas are capable of shaping a world picture that is the expression of what, in truth, exists behind the phenomena of the world.

[ 16 ] In a direction that is entirely different from that of Spinoza, Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646–1716) seeks the justification of the ego-consciousness in the actual world. His point of departure is like that of Giordano Bruno insofar as he thinks of the soul or the “ego” as a monad. Leibniz finds the self-consciousness in the soul, that is, the knowledge of the soul of itself, a manifestation, therefore, of the ego. There cannot be anything else in the soul that thinks and feels except the soul itself, for how should the soul know of itself if the subject of the act of knowing were something other than itself? Furthermore, it can only be a simple entity, not a composite being, for the parts in it could and would have to know of each other. Thus, the soul is a simple entity, enclosed in itself and aware of its being, a monad. Nothing can come into this monad that is external to it, for nothing but itself can be active in it. All its experience, cognitive imagination, sensation, etc., is the result of its own activity. It could only perceive any other activity in itself through its defense against this activity, that is to say, it would at any rate perceive only itself in its defense. Thus, nothing external can enter this monad. Leibniz expresses this by saying that the monad has no windows. According to him, all real beings are monads, and only monads truly exist. These different monads are, however, differentiated with respect to the intensity of their inner life. There are monads of an extremely dull inner life that are as if in a continual state of sleep; there are monads that are, as it were, dreaming; there are, furthermore, the human monads in wake-consciousness, etc., up to the highest degree of intensity of the inner life of the divine principal monad. That man does not see monads in his sense perception is caused by the circumstance that the monads are perceived by him like the appearance of fog, for example, that is not really fog but a swarm of gnats. What is seen by the senses of man is like the appearance of a fog formed by the accumulated monads.

[ 17 ] Thus, for Leibniz the world in reality is a sum of monads, which do not affect each other but constitute self-conscious beings, leading their lives independently of each other, that is, egos. Nevertheless, if the individual monad contains an after image of the general life of the world in its inner life, it would be wrong to assume that this is caused by an effect that the individual monads exert on each other. It is caused by the circumstance that in a given case one monad experiences inwardly by itself what is also independently experienced by another monad. The inner lives of the monads agree like clocks that indicate the same hours in spite of the fact that they do not affect each other. Just as the clocks agree because they have been originally matched, so the monads are attuned to each other through the pre-established harmony that issues from the divine principal monad.

[ 18 ] This is the world picture to which Leibniz is driven because he has to form the picture in such a way that in it the self-conscious life of the soul, the ego, can be maintained as a reality. It is a world picture completely formed out of the “ego” itself. In Leibniz's view, this can, indeed, not be otherwise. In Leibniz, the struggle for a world conception leads to a point where, in order to find the truth, it does not accept anything as truth that is revealed in the outer world.

[ 19 ] According to Leibniz, the life of man's senses is caused in such a way that the monad of the soul is brought into connection with other monads with a somnolent, sleeping and less acute self-consciousness. The body is a sum of such monads. The one waking soul monad is connected with it. This central monad parts from the others in death and continues its existence by itself.

[ 20 ] Just as the world picture of Leibniz is one that is wholly formed out of the inner energy of the self-conscious soul, so the world picture of his contemporary John Locke (1632–1704), rests entirely on the feeling that such a productive construction out of the soul is not admissible. Locke recognizes only those parts of a world conception as justified that can be observed (experienced) and what can, on the basis of the observation, be thought about the observed objects. The soul for him is not a being that develops real experiences out of itself, but an empty slate on which the outer world writes its entries. Thus, for Locke, the human self-consciousness is a result of the experience; it is not an ego that is the cause of an experience. When a thing of the external world makes an impression on the soul, it can be said that the thing contains only extension, shape, motion in reality; through the contact with the senses, sounds, colors, warmth, etc., are produced. What thus comes into being through contact with the senses is only there as long as the senses are in touch with the things. Outside the perception there are only substances that are differently shaped and in various states of motion. Locke feels compelled to assume that, except shape and motion, nothing of what the senses perceive has anything to do with things themselves. With this assumption he makes the beginnings of a current of world conception that is unwilling to recognize the impressions of the external world experienced inwardly by man in his act of cognition, as belonging to the world “in itself.”

[ 21 ] It is a strange spectacle that Locke presents to the contemplative soul. Man is supposed to be capable of cognition only through the fact that he perceives, and that he thinks about the content of the perception, but what he perceives has only the least part to do with the properties pertaining to the world itself. Leibniz withdraws from what the world reveals and creates a world picture from within the soul; Locke insists on a world picture that is created by the soul in conjunction with the world, but no real picture of a world is accomplished through such a creation. As Locke cannot, like Leibniz, consider the ego itself as the fulcrum of a world conception, he arrives at conceptions that appear to be inappropriate to support a world conception because they do not allow the possession of the human ego to be counted as belonging to the center of existence. A world view like that of Locke loses the connection with every realm in which the ego, the self-conscious soul, could be rooted because it rejects from the outset any approaches to the world ground except those that disappear in the darkness of the senses.

[ 22 ] In Locke, the evolution of philosophy produces a form of world conception in which the self-conscious soul struggles for its existence in the world picture but loses this fight because it believes that it gains its experiences exclusively in the intercourse with the external world represented in the picture of nature. The self-conscious soul must, therefore, renounce all knowledge concerning anything that could belong to the nature of the soul apart from this intercourse with the outside world.

[ 23 ] Stimulated by Locke, George Berkeley (1685–1753) arrived at results that were entirely different from his. Berkeley finds that the impressions that the things and events of the world appear to produce on the human soul take place in reality within this soul itself. When I see “red,” I must bring this “redness” into being within myself; when I feel “warm,” the “warmth” lives within me. Thus it is with all things that I apparently receive from without. Except for those elements I produce within myself, I know nothing whatsoever about the external things. Thus, it is senseless to speak about things that consist of material substance, for I know only what appears in my mind as something spiritual. What I call a rose, for instance, is wholly spiritual, that is to say, a conception (an idea) experienced by my mind. There is, therefore, according to Berkeley, nothing to be perceived except what is spiritual, and when I notice that something is effected in me from without, then this effect can only be caused by spiritual entities, for obviously bodies cannot cause spiritual effects and my perceptions are entirely spiritual. There are, therefore, only spirits in the world that influence each other. This is Berkeley's view. It turns the conceptions of Locke into their contrary by construing everything as spiritual reality that had been considered as impression of the material things. Thus, Berkeley believes he recognizes himself with his self-consciousness immediately in a spiritual world.

[ 24 ] Others have been led to different results by the thoughts of Locke. Condillac (1715–1780) is an example. He believes, like Locke, that all knowledge of the world must and, indeed, can only depend on the observation of the senses and on thinking. He develops this view to the extreme conclusion that thinking has in itself no self-dependent reality; it is nothing but a sublimated, transformed external sensation. Thus, only sense perceptions must be accepted in a world picture that is to correspond to the truth. His explanation in this direction is indeed telling. Imagine a human body that is still completely unawakened mentally, and then suppose one sense after another to be opened. What more do we have in the sentient body than we had before in the insensate organism? A body on which the surrounding world has made impressions. These impressions made by the environment have by no means produced what believes itself to be an “ego.” This world conception does not arrive at the possibility of conceiving the “ego” as self-conscious “soul” and it does not accomplish a world picture in which this “ego” could occur. It is the world conception that tries to deliver itself of the task of dealing with the self-conscious soul by proving its nonexistence. Charles Bonnet (1720–1793), Claude Adrien Helvetius (1715–1771), Julien de la Mettrie (1709–1751) and the system of nature (systeme de la nature) of Holbach that appeared in 1770 follow similar paths. In Holbach's work all traces of spiritual reality have been driven out of the world picture. Only matter and its forces operate in the world, and for this spirit-deprived picture of nature, Holbach finds the words, “0 nature, mistress of all being, and you, her daughters, Virtue, Reason, and Truth, may you be forever our only divinities.”

[ 25 ] In de la Mettrie's Man, a Machine, a world conception appears that is so overwhelmed by the picture of nature that it can admit only nature as valid. What occurs in the self-consciousness must, therefore, be thought of in about the same way as a mirror picture that we compare with the mirror. The physical organism would be compared with the mirror, the self-consciousness with the picture. The latter has, apart from the former, no independent significance. In Man, a Machine, we read:

If, however, all qualities of the soul depend so much on the specific organization of the brain and the body as a whole that they obviously are only this organization itself, then, in this case, we have to deal with a very enlightened machine. . . . ‘Soul,’ therefore, is only a meaningless expression of which one has no idea (thought picture), and that a clear head may only use in order to indicate by it the part in us that thinks. Just assume the simplest principle of motion and the animated bodies have everything they need in order to move, feel, repeat, in short, everything necessary to find their way in the physical and moral world. . . . If whatever thinks in my brain is not a part of this inner organ, why should my blood become heated when I make the plan for my works or pursue an abstract line of thought, calmly resting on my bed? (Compare de la Mettrie, Man, a Machine, Philosophische Bibliothek, Vol. 68.)

Voltaire (1694–1778) introduced the doctrines of Locke into the circles in which these thinkers had their effect (Diderot, Cabanis and others also belonged to them). Voltaire himself probably never went so far as to draw the last consequences of these philosophers. He allowed himself, however, to be stimulated by the thoughts of Locke and his sparkling and dazzling writings. Much can be felt of these influences, but he could not become a materialist in the sense of these thinkers. He lived in too comprehensive a thought horizon to deny the spirit. He awakened the need for philosophical questions in the widest circles because he linked these questions to the interest of them. Much would have to be said about him in an account that intended to trace philosophical investigation of current events, but that is not the purpose of this presentation. Only the higher problems of world conception in its specific sense are to be considered. For this reason, Voltaire, as well as Rousseau, the antagonist of the school of enlightenment, are not to be dealt with here.

[ 26 ] Just as Locke loses his path in the darkness of the senses, so does David Hume (1711–1776) in the inward realm of the self-conscious soul, the experience of which appears to him to be ruled not by the forces of a world order, but by the power of human habit. Why does one say that one event in nature is a cause and another an effect? This is a question Hume asks. Man sees how the sun shines on a stone; he then notices that the stone has become warm. He observes that the first event often follows the second. Therefore, he becomes accustomed to think of them as belonging together. He makes the cause out of the sunshine, and the heating of the stone he turns into the effect. Thought habits tie our perceptions together, but there is nothing outside in a real world that manifests itself in such a connection. Man sees a thought in his mind followed by a motion of his body. He becomes accustomed to think of this thought as the cause and of the motion as the effect. Thought habits, nothing more, are, according to Hume, responsible for man's statements about the world processes. The self-conscious soul can arrive at a guiding direction for life through thought habits, but it cannot find anything in these habits out of which it could shape a world picture that would have any significance for the world event apart from the soul. Thus, for the philosophical view of Hume, every conception that man forms beyond the more external and internal observation remains only an object of belief; it can never become knowledge. Concerning the fate of the self-conscious human soul, there can be no reliable knowledge about its relation to any other world but that of the senses, only belief.

[ 27 ] The picture of Leibniz's world conception underwent a drawn-out rationalistic elaboration through Christian Wolff (born in Breslau, 1679, professor in Halle). Wolff is of the opinion that a science could be founded that obtains a knowledge of what is possible through pure thinking, a knowledge of what has the potentiality for existence because it appears free from contradiction to our thinking and can be proven in this way. Thus, Wolff becomes the founder of a science of the world, the soul and God. This world conception rests on the presupposition that the self-conscious soul can produce thoughts in itself that are valid for what lies entirely and completely outside its own realm. This is the riddle with which Kant later feels himself confronted; how is knowledge that is produced in the soul and nevertheless supposed to have validity for world entities lying outside the soul, possible?

[ 28 ] In the philosophical development since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the tendency becomes manifest to rest the self-conscious soul on itself so that it feels justified to form valid conceptions about the riddles of the world. In the consciousness of the second half of the eighteenth century, Lessing (1729–1781) feels this tendency as the deepest impulse of human longing. As we listen to him, we hear many individuals who reveal the fundamental character of that age in this aspiration.

Lessing strives for the transformation of the religious truths of revelation into truths of reason. This aim is distinctly discernible in the various turns and aspects that his thinking has to take. Lessing feels himself with his self-conscious ego in a period of the evolution of mankind that is destined to acquire through the power of self-consciousness, what it had previously received from without through revelation. What has preceded this phase of history becomes for Lessing a process of preparation for the moment in which man's self-consciousness becomes autonomous. Thus, for Lessing, history becomes an “Education of the Human Race.” This is also the title of his essay, written at the height of his life, in which he refuses to restrict the human soul to a single terrestrial life, but assumes repeated earth lives for it. The soul lives its lives separated by time intervals in the various periods of the evolution of mankind, absorbs from each period what such a time can yield and incarnates itself in a later period to continue its development. Thus, the soul carries the fruits of one age of humanity into the later ages and is “educated” by history. In Lessing's conception, the “ego” is, therefore, extended far beyond the individual life; it becomes rooted in a spiritually effective world that lies behind the world of the senses.

[ 29 ] With this view Lessing stands on the ground of a world conception that means to stimulate the self-conscious ego to realize through its very nature how the active agent within itself is not completely manifested in the sense-perceptible individual life. [ 30 ] In a different way, yet following the same impulse, Herder (1744–1803) attempts to arrive at a world picture. His attention turns toward the entire physical and spiritual universe. He searches, as it were, for the plan of this universe. The connection and harmony of the phenomena of nature, the first dawning and sunrise of language and poetry, the progress of historical evolution—with all this Herder allows his soul to be deeply impressed, and often penetrates it with inspired thought in order to reach a certain aim. According to Herder, something is striving for existence in the entire external world that finally appears in its manifested form in the human soul. The self-conscious soul, by feeling itself grounded in the universe, reveals to itself only the course its own forces took before it reached self-consciousness. The soul may, according to Herder's view, feel itself rooted in the cosmos, for it recognizes a process in the whole natural and spiritual connection that had to lead to the soul itself, just as childhood must lead to mature adulthood in man's personal existence. It is a comprehensive picture of this world thought of Herder that is expressed in his Ideas Toward a Philosophy of the History of Mankind. It represents an attempt to think the picture of nature in harmony with that of the spirit in such a way that there is in this nature picture a place also for the self-conscious human soul. We must not forget that Herder's world conception reflects his struggle to come to terms simultaneously with the conceptions of modern natural science and the needs of the self-conscious soul. Herder was confronted with the demands of modern world conception as was Aristotle with those of the Greek age. Their conceptions receive their characteristic coloring from the different way in which both thinkers had to take into account the pictures of nature provided by their respective ages.

[ 31 ] Herder's attitude toward Spinoza, contrary to that of other contemporary thinkers, casts a light on his position in the evolution of world conception. This position becomes particularly distinct if one compares it to the attitude of Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743 – 1819). Jacobi finds in Spinoza's world picture the elements that the human understanding must arrive at if it follows the paths predestined for it by its own forces. This picture of the world marks the limit of what man can know about the world. This knowledge, however, cannot decide anything about the nature of the soul, about the divine ground of the world or about the connection of the soul with the latter for this knowledge. These realms are disclosed to man only if he surrenders to an insight of belief that depends on a special ability of the soul. Knowledge in itself must, therefore, according to Jacobi, necessarily be atheistic. It can adhere strictly to logical order, but it cannot contain within itself divine world order. Thus, Spinozism becomes, for Jacobi, the only possible scientific mode of conception but, at the same time, he sees in it a proof of the fact that this mode of thinking cannot find the connection with the spiritual world. In 1787 Herder defends Spinoza against the accusation of atheism. He is in a position to do so, for he is not afraid to feel, in his own way but similar to that of Spinoza, man's experience with the divine being. Spinoza erects a pure thought structure; Herder tries to gain a world conception not merely through thinking but through the whole of the human soul life. For him, no abrupt contrast exists between belief and knowledge if the soul becomes clearly aware of the manner in which it experiences itself. We express Herder's intention if we describe the experience of the soul in the following way. When belief becomes aware of the reasons that move the soul, it arrives at conceptions that are no less certain than those obtained by mere thinking. Herder accepts everything that the soul can find within itself in a purified form as forces that can produce a world picture. Thus, his conception of the divine ground of the world is richer, more saturated, than that of Spinoza, but this conception allows the human ego to assume a relationship to the world ground, which in Spinoza appears merely as a result of thought.

[ 32 ] We take our stand at a point where the various threads of the development of modern world conceptions intertwine, as it were, when we observe how the current of Spinoza's thought enters into it in the eighties of the eighteenth century. In 1785 F. H. Jacobi published his “Spinoza-Booklet.” In it he relates a conversation between himself and Lessing that took place shortly before Lessing's death. According to this conversation, Lessing had confessed his adherence to Spinozism. For Jacobi, this also establishes Lessing's atheism. If one recognizes the “Conversation with Jacobi” as decisive for the intimate thoughts of Lessing, one must regard him as a person who acknowledges that man can only acquire a world conception adequate to his nature if he takes as his point of support the firm conviction with which the soul endows the thought living through its own strength. With such an idea Lessing appears as a person whose feeling prophetically anticipates the impulses of the world conceptions of the nineteenth century. That he expresses this idea only in a conversation shortly before his death, and that it is still scarcely noticeable in his writings, shows how hard, even for the freest minds, the struggle with the enigmatic questions that the modern age raised for the development of world conceptions became.

A world conception has to be expressed in thoughts. But the convincing strength of thought, which had found its climax in Platonism and which in Aristotelianism unfolded in an unquestioned way, had vanished from the impulses of man's soul. Only the spiritually bold nature of Spinoza was capable of deriving the energy from the mathematical mode of thinking to elaborate thought into a world conception that should point as far as the ground of the world. The thinkers of the eighteenth century could not yet feel the life-energy of thought that allows them to experience themselves as human beings securely placed into a spiritually real world. Lessing stands among them as a prophet in feeling the force of the self-conscious ego in such a way that he attributes to the soul the transition through repeated terrestrial lives.

The fact that thought no longer entered the field of consciousness as it did for Plato was unconsciously felt like a nightmare in questions of world conceptions. For Plato, it manifested itself with its supporting energy and its saturated content as an active entity of the world. Now, thought was felt as emerging from the substrata of self-consciousness. One was aware of the necessity to supply it with supporting strength through whatever powers one could summon. Time and again this supporting energy was looked for in the truth of belief or in the depth of the heart, forces that were considered to be stronger than thought, which was felt to be pale and abstract. This is what many souls continually experience with respect to thought. They feel it as a mere soul content out of which they are incapable of deriving the energy that could grant them the necessary security to be found in the knowledge that man may know himself rooted with his being in the spiritual ground of the world. Such souls are impressed with the logical nature of thought; they recognize such thought as a force that would be needed to construct a scientific world view, but they demand a force that has a stronger effect on them when they look for a world conception embracing the highest knowledge. Such souls lack the spiritual boldness of Spinoza needed to feel thought as the source of world creation, and thus to know themselves with thought at the world's foundation. As a result of this soul constitution, man often scorns thought while he constructs a world conception; he therefore feels his self-consciousness more securely supported in the darkness of the forces of feeling and emotion. There are people to whom a conception appears the less valuable for its relation to the riddles of the world, the more this conception tends to leave the darkness of the emotional sphere and enter into the light of thought. We find such a mood of soul in I. G. Hamann (died 1788). He was, like many a personality of this kind, a great stimulator, but with a genius like Hamann, ideas brought up from the dark depths of the soul have a more intense effect on others than thoughts expressed in rational form. In the tone of the oracles Hamann expressed himself on questions that fill the philosophical life of his time. He had a stimulating effect on Herder as on others. A mystic feeling, often of a poetistic coloring, pervades his oracular sayings. The urge of the time is manifested chaotically in them for an experience of a force of the self-conscious soul that can serve as supporting nucleus for everything that man means to lift into awareness about world and life.

[ 33 ] It is characteristic of this age for its representative spirits to feel that one must submerge into the depth of the soul to find the point in which the soul is linked up with the eternal ground of the world; out of the insight into this connection, out of the source of self-consciousness, one must gain a world picture. A considerable gap exists, however, between what man actually was able to embrace with his spiritual energies and this inner root of the self-consciousness. In their spiritual exertion, the representative spirits do not penetrate to the point from which they dimly feel their task originates. They go in circles, as it were, around the cause of their world riddle without coming nearer to it. This is the feeling of many thinkers who are confronted with the question of world conception when, toward the end of the eighteenth century, Spinoza begins to have an effect. Ideas of Locke and Leibniz, also those of Leibniz in the attenuated form of Wolff, pervade their minds. Besides the striving for clarity of thought, the anxious mistrust against it is at work at the same time, with the result that conceptions derived from the depth of the heart are time and again inserted into the world picture for its completion. Such a picture is found reflected in Lessing's friend, Mendelssohn, who was hurt by the publication of Jacobi's conversation with Lessing. He was unwilling to admit that this conversation really had had the content that Jacobi reported. In that case, Mendelssohn argues, his friend would actually have confessed his adherence to a world conception that means to reach the root of the spiritual world by mere thoughts, but one could not arrive at a conception of the life of this root in this way. The world spirit would have to be approached differently to be felt in the soul as a life-endowed entity. This, Mendelssohn was sure, Lessing must have meant. Therefore, he could only have confessed to a “purified Spinozism,” a Spinozism that would want to go beyond mere thinking while striving for the divine origin of existence. To feel the link with this origin in the manner it was made possible by Spinozism was a step Mendelssohn was reluctant to take.

[ 34 ] Herder did not shy away from this step because he enriched the thought contours in the world picture of Spinoza with colorful, content-saturated conceptions that he derived from the contemplation of the panorama of nature and the world of the spirit. He could not have been satisfied with Spinoza's thoughts as they were. As given by their originator, they would have appeared to him as all painted gray on gray. He observed what went on in nature and in history and placed the human being into the world of his contemplation. What was revealed to him in this way showed him a connection between the human being and the origin of the world as well as the world itself, through the conception of which he felt himself in agreement with Spinoza's frame of mind. Herder was deeply and innately convinced that the contemplation of nature and of historical evolution should lead to a world picture through which man can feel his position in the world as a whole as satisfactory. Spinoza was of the opinion that he could arrive at such a world picture only in the light-flooded realm of a thought activity that was developed after the model of mathematics. If one compares Herder with Spinoza, remembering that Herder acknowledged the conviction of the latter, one is forced to recognize that in the evolution of modern world conception an impulse is at work that remains hidden behind the visible world pictures themselves. This impulse consists in the effort to experience in the soul what binds the self-consciousness to the totality of the world processes. It is the effort to gain a world picture in which the world appears in such a way that man can recognize himself in it as he must recognize himself when he allows the inner voice of his self-conscious soul to speak to him. Spinoza means to satisfy the desire for this kind of experience by having the power of thought enfold its own certainty. Leibniz fastens his attention on the soul and aims at a conception of the world as it must be thought if the soul, correctly conceived of, is to appear rightly placed in the world picture. Herder observes the world processes and is convinced from the outset that the right world picture will emerge in the soul if this soul approaches these processes in a healthy way and in its full strength. Herder is absolutely convinced of the later statement of Goethe that “every element of fact is already theory.” He has also been stimulated by the thought world of Leibniz, but he would never have been capable of searching theoretically for an idea of the self-consciousness in the form of the monad first, and then constructing a world picture with this idea. The soul evolution of mankind presents itself in Herder in a way that enables him to point with special clarity and distinctiveness to the impulse underlying it in the modern age. What in Greece has been treated as thought (idea) as if it were a perception is now felt as an inner experience of the soul, and the thinker is confronted with the question: How must I penetrate into the depths of my soul to be able to reach the connection of the soul with the ground of the world in such a way that my thought will at the same time be the expression of the forces of world creation? The age of enlightenment as it appears in the eighteenth century is still convinced of finding its justification in thought itself. Herder develops beyond this viewpoint. He searches, not for the point of the soul where it reveals itself as thinking, but for the living source where the thought emerges out of the creative principle inherent in the soul. With this tendency Herder comes close to what one can call the mysterious experience of the soul with thought. A world conception must express itself in thoughts, but thought only then endows the soul with the power for which it searches by means of a world conception in the modern age, when it experiences this thought in its process of its birth in the soul. When thought is born, when it has turned into a philosophical system, it has already lost its magical power over the soul. For this reason, the power of thought and the philosophical world picture are so often underestimated. This is done by all those who know only the thought that is suggested to them from without, a thought that they are supposed to believe, to which they are supposed to pledge allegiance. The real power of thought is known only to one who experiences it in the process of its formation.

[ 35 ] How this impulse lives in souls in the modern age becomes prominently apparent in a most significant figure in the history of philosophy—Shaftesbury (1671–1713). According to him, an “inner sense” lives in the soul; through this inner sense ideas enter into man that become the content of a world conception just as the external perceptions enter through the outer senses. Thus, Shaftesbury does not seek the justification of thought in thought itself, but by pointing toward a fact of the soul life that enables thought to enter from the foundation of the world into the interior of the soul. Thus, for Shaftesbury, man is confronted by a twofold outer world: The “external,” material one, which enters the soul through the “outer” senses, and the spiritual outer world, which reveals itself to man through his “inner sense.”

[ 36 ] In this age a strong tendency can be felt toward a knowledge of the soul, for man strives to know how the essence of a world view is anchored in the soul's nature. We see such an effort in Johann Nicolaus Tetens (1736–1807). In his investigations of the soul he arrived at a distinction of the soul faculties that has been adopted into general usage at the present time: Thinking, feeling and willing. It was customary before him to distinguish just between the faculties of thinking and the appetitive faculty.

[ 37 ] How the spirits of the eighteenth century attempt to watch the soul in the process of creatively forming its world picture can be observed in Hemsterhuis (1721–1790). In this philosopher, whom Herder considered to be one of the greatest thinkers since Plato, the struggle of the eighteenth century with the soul impulse of the modern age becomes demonstrably apparent. The thoughts of Hemsterhuis can be expressed approximately in the following way. If the human soul could, through its own power and without external senses, contemplate the world, the panorama of the world would lie displayed before it in a single moment. The soul would then be infinite in the infinite. If the soul, however, had no possibility to live in itself but depended entirely on the outer senses, then it would be confronted with a never ending temporal diffusion of the world. The soul would then live, unconscious of itself, in an ocean of sensual boundlessness. Between these two poles, which are never reached in reality but which mark the limits of the inner life as two possibilities, the soul lives its actual life; it permeates its own infinity with the boundlessness of the world.

[ 38 ] In this chapter the attempt has been made to demonstrate, through the example of a few thinkers, how the soul impulse of the modern age flows through the evolution of world conception in the eighteenth century. In this current live the seeds from which the thought development of the “Age of Kant and Goethe” grew.

Die Weltanschauungen des jüngsten Zeitalters der Gedankenentwicklung

[ 1 ] Dem Aufblühen der Naturwissenschaft in der neueren Zeit liegt dasselbe Suchen wie J. Böhmes Mystik zugrunde. Es zeigt sich dies an einem Denker, welcher unmittelbar aus der Geistesströmung herausgewachsen ist, die in Kopernikus (1473-1543), Kepler (1571-1630), Galilei (1564-1642) und anderen zu den ersten großen naturwissenschaftlichen Errungenschaften der neueren Zeit führte. Es ist Giordano Bruno (1548-1600). Wenn man betrachtet, wie er die Welt aus unendlich vielen kleinen belebten und sich seelisch erlebenden Urwesen bestehen läßt, den Monaden, die unentstanden und unvergänglich sind, und die in ihrem Zusammenwirken die Naturerscheinungen ergeben, so könnte man versucht sein, Giordano Bruno mit Anaxagoras zusammenzustellen, dem die Welt aus den Homoiomerien besteht. Und doch ist zwischen beiden ein bedeutsamer Unterschied. Dem Anaxagoras entfaltet sich der Gedanke der Homoiomerien, indem er sich der Welt betrachtend hingibt; die Welt gibt ihm diesen Gedanken ein. Giordano Bruno fühlt: Was hinter den Naturerscheinungen liegt, muß als Weltbild so gedacht werden, daß das Wesen des Ich in dem Weltbilde möglich ist. Das Ich muß eine Monade sein, sonst könnte es nicht wirklich sein. So wird die Annahme der Monaden notwendig. Und weil nur die Monade wirklich sein kann, sind die wahrhaft wirklichen Wesen Monaden mit verschiedenen inneren Eigenschaften. Es geht in den Tiefen der Seele einer Persönlichkeit wie Giordano Bruno etwas vor, was nicht voll zum Bewußtsein derselben kommt; die Wirkung dieses inneren Vorganges ist dann die Fassung des Weltbildes. Was in den Tiefen vorgeht, ist ein unbewußter Seelenprozeß: Das Ich fühlt, es muß sich selbst so vorstellen, daß ihm die Wirklichkeit verbürgt ist; und es muß die Welt so vorstellen, daß es in dieser Welt wirklich sein kann. Giordano Bruno muß sich die Vorstellung der Monade bilden, damit beides möglich ist. In Giordano Bruno kämpft im Weltanschauungsleben der neueren Zeit das Ich um sein Dasein in der Welt. Und der Ausdruck dieses Kampfes ist die Anschauung: Ich bin eine Monade; eine solche ist unentstanden und unvergänglich.

[ 2 ] Man vergleiche, wie verschieden Aristoteles und Giordano Bruno zur Gottesvorstellung kommen. Aristoteles betrachtet die Welt; er sieht das Sinnvolle der Naturvorgänge; er gibt sich diesem Sinnvollen hin; auch an den Naturvorgängen offenbart sich ihm der Gedanke des «ersten Bewegers» dieser Vorgänge. Giordano Bruno kämpft sich in seinem Seelenleben zur Vorstellung der Monaden durch; die Naturvorgänge sind gleichsam ausgelöscht in dem Bilde, in dem unzählige Monaden aufeinanderwirkend auftreten; und Gott wird die hinter allen Vorgängen der wahrnehmbaren Welt wirkende, in allen Monaden lebende Kraftwesenheit. In der leidenschaftlichen Gegnerschaft Giordano Brunos gegen Aristoteles drückt sich der Gegensatz aus zwischen dem Denker Griechenlands und dem der neueren Zeit.

[ 3 ] Auf mannigfaltige Art kommt in der neueren Weltanschauungsentwickelung zum Vorschein, wie das Ich nach Wegen sucht, um seine Wirklichkeit in sich zu erleben. Was Francis Bacon von Verulam (1561–1626) zum Ausdruck bringt, trägt dasselbe Gepräge, wenn dies auch durch die Betrachtung seiner Bestrebungen auf dem Gebiete der Weltanschauung nicht für den ersten Blick hervortritt. Bacon von Verulam fordert, daß man die Erforschung der Welterscheinungen mit der vorurteilsfreien Beobachtung beginne; daß man dann versuche, das Wesentliche von dem Unwesentlichen einer Erscheinung zu trennen, um so eine Vorstellung davon zu bekommen, was hinter einem Dinge oder Vorgange steckt. Er meint, daß man bis zu seiner Zeit die Gedanken, welche die Welterscheinungen erklären sollen, zuerst gefaßt und dann die Vorstellungen über die einzelnen Dinge und Vorgänge nach diesen Gedanken gerichtet habe. Er stellte sich vor, daß man die Gedanken nicht aus den Dingen selbst genommen habe. Diesem (deduktiven) Verfahren wollte Bacon von Verulam sein anderes (induktives) Verfahren entgegengestellt wissen. Die Begriffe sollen an den Dingen gebildet werden. Man sieht so denkt er -, wie ein Gegenstand von dem Feuer verzehrt wird; man beobachtet, wie ein anderer Gegenstand sich zum Feuer verhält, und dann beobachtet man dasselbe bei vielen Gegenständen. So erhält man zuletzt eine allgemeine Vorstellung davon, wie sich die Dinge im Verhältnisse zum Feuer verhalten. Weil man früher nicht in dieser Art geforscht habe, so meint Bacon, sei es gekommen, daß in dem menschlichen Vorstellen so viele Idole statt wahrer Ideen über die Dinge herrschen.

[ 4 ] Goethe sagt Bedeutsames über diese Vorstellungsart des Bacon von Verulam: «Baco gleicht einem Manne, der die Unregelmäßigkeit, Unzulänglichkeit, Baufälligkeit eines alten Gebäudes recht wohl einsieht, und solche den Bewohnern deutlich zu machen weiß. Er rät ihnen, es zu verlassen, Grund und Boden, Materialien und alles Zubehör zu verschmähen, einen anderen Bauplatz zu suchen und ein neues Gebäude zu errichten. Er ist ein trefflicher Redner und Überredner; er rüttelt an einigen Mauern, sie fallen ein, und die Bewohner sind genötigt, teilweise auszuziehen. Er deutet auf neue Plätze; man fängt an zu ebnen, und doch ist es überall zu enge. Er legt neue Risse vor; sie sind nicht deutlich, nicht einladend. Hauptsächlich aber spricht er von neuen, unbekannten Materialien, und nun ist der Welt gedient. Die Menge zerstreut sich nach allen Himmelsgegenden und bringt unendlich Einzelnes zurück, indessen zu Hause neue Pläne, neue Tätigkeiten, Ansiedelungen die Bürger beschäftigen und die Aufmerksamkeit verschlingen.» Goethe spricht das in seiner Geschichte der Farbenlehre aus, da, wo er über Bacon redet. In einem folgenden Abschnitt über Galilei sagt er: «Schien durch die Verulamische Zerstreuungsmethode die Naturwissenschaft auf ewig zersplittert, so ward sie durch Galilei sogleich wieder zur Sammlung gebracht: er führte die Naturlehre wieder in den Menschen zurück, und zeigte schon in früher Jugend, daß dem Genie ein Fall für tausend gelte, indem er sich aus schwingenden Kirchenlampen die Lehre des Pendels und des Falles der Körper entwickelte. Alles kommt in der Wissenschaft auf das an, was man ein Aperu nennt, auf ein Gewahrwerden dessen, was eigentlich den Erscheinungen zum Grunde liegt. Und ein solches Gewahrwerden ist bis ins Unendliche fruchtbar.»

[ 5 ] Goethe deutet damit scharf auf das hin, was für Bacon charakteristisch ist. Für die Wissenschaft will dieser einen sicheren Weg finden. Denn dadurch, hofft er, werde der Mensch sein sicheres Verhältnis zur Welt finden. Den Weg des Aristoteles, das empfindet Bacon, kann die neue Zeit nicht mehr gehen. Doch weiß er nicht, daß in verschiedenen Zeitaltern im Menschen verschiedene Seelenkräfte vorherrschend tätig sind. Er merkt nur, daß er, Bacon, den Aristoteles ablehnen muß. Das tut er leidenschaftlich. So, daß Goethe darüber die Worte gebraucht: «Denn wie kann man mit Gelassenheit anhören, wenn er die Werke des Aristoteles und Plato leichten Tafeln vergleicht, die eben, weil sie aus keiner tüchtigen, gehaltvollen Masse bestünden, auf der Zeitflut gar wohl zu uns herüber geschwemmt werden können.» Bacon versteht nicht, daß er selbst dasselbe erreichen will, was Plato und Aristoteles erreichten, und daß er zum gleichen Ziele andere Mittel gebrauchen muß, weil die Mittel des Altertums nicht mehr die der neuen Zeit sein können. Er deutet auf einen Weg hin, der für die Forschung auf äußerem Naturfelde fruchtbar scheinen könnte; doch zeigt Goethe an dem Fall Galilei, daß auch auf diesem Felde ein anderes notwendig ist, als Bacon fordert. Völlig unfruchtbar muß sich aber Bacons Weg erweisen, wenn die Seele den Zugang sucht nicht bloß zur Einzelforschung, sondern zu einer Weltanschauung. Was soll ihr für eine solche das Absuchen der einzelnen Erscheinungen fruchten und die Bildung allgemeiner Ideen aus solchen Erscheinungen, wenn diese allgemeinen Ideen nicht, wie Lichtblitze aus dem Daseinsgrunde, in der Seele aufleuchten und sich ausweisen durch sich selbst in ihrer Wahrheit? Im Altertum trat der Gedanke wie eine Wahrnehmung in der Seele auf; diese Art des Auftretens ist durch die Helligkeit des neuen Ich-Bewußtseins abgedämpft; was in der Seele zu den Gedanken führt, die eine Weltanschauung bilden sollen, muß wie eine eigene Erfindung der Seele sich ausgestalten. Und die Seele muß sich die Möglichkeit suchen, ihrer Erfindung, ihrem eigenen Gebilde Geltung zu verschaffen. Sie muß an ihre eigene Schöpfung glauben können. Das alles empfindet Bacon nicht; deshalb verweist er zum Bau der neuen Weltanschauung auf die Baumaterialien, nämlich auf die einzelnen Naturerscheinungen. So wenig man aber ein Haus jemals dadurch bauen kann, daß man nur die Formen der Bausteine beobachtet, die verwendet werden sollen, so wenig wird je eine fruchtbare Weltanschauung in einer Seele erstehen, welche sich nur mit den einzelnen Naturvorgängen zu tun macht.

[ 6 ] Im Gegensatze zu Bacon von Verulam, der auf die Bausteine verwies, treten Descartes (Cartesius) und Spinoza an den Bauplan heran. Descartes ist geboren 1596 und 1650 gestorben. Bei ihm ist der Ausgangspunkt seines Weltanschauungsstrebens bedeutsam. Er stellt sich unbefangen fragend der Welt gegenüber, die ihm über ihre Rätsel mancherlei darbietet, teils durch die religiöse Offenbarung, teils durch die Beobachtung der Sinne. Er betrachtet nun weder das eine noch das andere nur so, daß er es einfach hinnimmt und als Wahrheit anerkennt, was es ihm bringt; nein, er setzt ihm das «Ich» entgegen, das aller Offenbarung und aller Wahrnehmung seinen Zweifel aus dem eigenen Entschluß entgegensetzt. Es ist dies eine Tatsache des neueren Weltanschauungsstrebens von vielsagender Bedeutung. Die Seele des Denkers inmitten der Welt läßt nichts auf sich Eindruck machen, sondern setzt allem sich mit dem Zweifel entgegen, der nur in ihr selber Bestand haben kann. Und nun erfaßt sich diese Seele in ihrem eigenen Tun: Ich zweifle, das heißt, ich denke. Also, mag es sich mit der ganzen Welt wie immer verhalten, an meinem zweifelnden Denken wird mir klar, daß ich bin. So kommt Cartesius zu seinem Cogito ergo sum: Ich denke, also bin ich. Das Ich erkämpft sich bei ihm die Berechtigung, das eigene Sein anerkennen zu dürfen durch den radikalen Zweifel an der ganzen Welt. Aus dieser Wurzel heraus holt Descartes das Weitere seiner Weltanschauung. Im «Ich» hat er das Dasein zu erfassen gesucht. Was mit diesem «Ich» zusammen sein Dasein rechtfertigen kann, das darf als Wahrheit gelten. Das Ich findet ihm angeboren die Idee Gottes. Diese Idee stellt sich in dem Ich so wahr, so deutlich dar, als das Ich sich selber darstellt. Doch ist sie so erhaben, so gewaltig, daß sie das Ich nicht durch sich selbst haben kann, also kommt sie von einer äußeren Wirklichkeit, der sie entspricht. An die Wirklichkeit der Außenwelt glaubt Descartes nicht deshalb, weil sich diese Außenwelt als wirklich darstellt, sondern weil das Ich an sich und dann weiter an Gott glauben muß, Gott aber nur als wahrhaftig gedacht werden kann. Denn es wäre unwahrhaftig von ihm, dem Menschen eine wirkliche Außenwelt vorzustellen, wenn diese nicht wirklich wäre.

[ 7 ] So, wie Descartes zur Anerkennung der Wirklichkeit des Ich kommt, ist nur möglich durch ein Denken, das sich im engsten Sinne auf dieses Ich richtet, um einen Stützpunkt des Erkennens zu finden. Das heißt, diese Möglichkeit ist nur durch eine innere Tätigkeit, niemals aber durch eine Wahrnehmung von außen möglich. Alle Wahrnehmung, die von außen kommt, gibt nur Eigenschaften der Ausdehnung. So kommt Descartes dazu, zwei Substanzen in der Welt anzuerkennen: die eine, welcher die Ausdehnung eigen ist, und die andere, welcher das Denken eigen ist und in der die Menschenseele wurzelt. Die Tiere, welche im Sinne des Descartes nicht in innerer, auf sich gestützter Tätigkeit sich erfassen können, sind demnach bloße Wesen der Ausdehnung, Automaten, Maschinen. Auch der menschliche Leib ist eine bloße Maschine. Die Seele ist mit dieser Maschine verbunden. Wird der Leib durch Abnutzung und dergleichen unbrauchbar, so verläßt ihn die Seele, um in ihrem Element weiter zu leben.

[ 8 ] Descartes steht schon in einer Zeit, in welcher ein neuer Impuls im Weltanschauungsleben sich erkennen läßt. Die Epoche vom Beginn der christlichen Zeitrechnung bis ungefähr zu Scotus Erigena verläuft in der Art, daß das Gedankenerleben von einer Kraft durchpulst ist, welche wie ein mächtiger Anstoß in die Geistesentwickelung hereintritt. Der in Griechenland erwachte Gedanke wird von dieser Kraft überleuchtet. Im äußeren Fortgange des menschlichen Seelenlebens drückt sich das in den religiösen Bewegungen und dadurch aus, daß die jungen Volkskräfte Westund Mitteleuropas die Wirkungen des älteren Gedankenerlebens aufnehmen. Sie durchdringen dieses Erleben mit jüngeren elementareren Impulsen und bilden es dadurch um. Es zeigt sich darin einer der Fortschritte der Menschheit, welche dadurch bewirkt werden, daß ältere vergeistigte Strömungen der Geistesentwickelung, die ihre Lebenskraft, nicht aber ihre Geisteskraft erschöpft haben, fortgesetzt werden von jungen Kräften, die aus der Natur des Menschentums auftauchen. Man wird in solchen Vorgängen die wesentlichen Gesetze der Menschheitsentwickelung erkennen dürfen. Sie beruhen auf Verjüngungsprozessen des geistigen Lebens. Die errungenen Geisteskräfte können sich nur weiter entfalten, wenn sie in junge natürliche Menschheitskräfte eingepflanzt werden. Die ersten acht Jahrhunderte der christlichen Zeitrechnung stellen ein Fortwirken des Gedankenerlebens in der Menschenseele so dar, daß wie in einem tief Verborgenen das Heraufkommen neuer Kräfte noch ruht, die bildend auf die Weltanschauungsentwickelung wirken wollen. In Descartes zeigen sich diese Kräfte bereits in einem hohen Grade wirksam. In dem Zeitalter zwischen Scotus Erigena und (ungefähr) dem fünfzehnten Jahrhundert dringt der Gedanke in seiner Eigenkraft wieder hervor, die er in der vorangehenden Epoche nicht offenbar entfaltet hat. Doch tritt er von einer ganz anderen Seite hervor als im griechischen Zeitalter. Bei den griechischen Denkern wird er als Wahrnehmung erlebt; vom achten bis zum fünfzehnten Jahrhundert kommt er aus den Tiefen der Seele herauf; der Mensch fühlt: In mir erzeugt sich der Gedanke. Bei den griechischen Denkern erzeugt sich noch unmittelbar ein Verhältnis des Gedankens zu den Naturvorgängen; in dem angedeuteten Zeitalter steht der Gedanke als Erzeugnis des Selbstbewußtseins da. Der Denker empfindet, daß er die Berechtigung des Gedankens erweisen müsse. So fühlen die Nominalisten, Realisten; so fühlt auch Thomas von Aquino, der das Gedankenerleben in der religiösen Offenbarung verankert.

[ 9 ] Das fünfzehnte, sechzehnte Jahrhundert stellen einen neuen Impuls vor die Seelen hin. Langsam bereitet sich das vor, und langsam lebt es sich ein. In der menschlichen Seelenorganisation vollzieht sich eine Umwandlung. Auf dem Gebiete des Weltanschauungslebens bringt sich diese Umwandlung dadurch zum Ausdrucke, daß der Gedanke nun nicht als Wahrnehmung empfunden werden kann, sondern als Erzeugnis des Selbstbewußtseins. Es ist diese Umwandlung in der menschlichen Seelenorganisation auf allen Gebieten der Menschheitsentwickelung zu beobachten. In der Renaissance der Kunst und Wissenschaft und des europäischen Lebens, sowie in den reformatorischen Religionsbewegungen tritt sie zutage. Man wird sie finden können, wenn man die Kunst Dantes und Shakespeares nach ihren Untergründen in der menschlichen Seelenentwickelung erforscht. Hier kann dies alles nur angedeutet werden; denn diese Ausführungen wollen innerhalb des Fortganges der gedanklichen Weltanschauungsentwickelung bleiben.

[ 10 ] Wie ein anderes Symptom dieser Umwandlung der menschlichen Seelenorganisation erscheint das Heraufkommen der neueren naturwissenschaftlichen Vorstellungsart. Man vergleiche doch den Zustand des Denkens über die Natur, wie er durch Kopernikus, Galilei, Kepler entsteht, it dem, was vorangegangen ist. Dieser naturwissenschaftlichen Vorstellung entspricht die Stimmung der Menschenseele im Beginne des neueren Zeitalters im sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Die Natur wird von jetzt an so angesehen, daß die Sinnesbeobachtung über sie zum alleinigen Zeugen gemacht wird. Bacon ist die eine, Galilei die andere Persönlichkeit, in denen dies deutlich zutage tritt. Das Naturbild soll nicht mehr so gemalt werden, daß in demselben der Gedanke als von der Natur geoffenbarte Macht empfunden wird. Aus dem Naturbilde verschwindet allmählich immer mehr, was nur als ein Erzeugnis des Selbstbewußtseins empfunden wird. So stehen sich die Schöpfungen des Selbstbewußtseins und die Naturbeobachtung immer schroffer, immer mehr durch einen Abgrund getrennt gegenüber. Mit Descartes kündigt sich die Umwandlung der Seelenorganisation an, welche das Naturbild und die Schöpfungen des Selbstbewußtseins auseinanderzieht. Vom sechzehnten Jahrhundert ab beginnt ein neuer Charakter im Weltanschauungsleben sich geltend zu machen. Nachdem in den vorangegangenen Jahrhunderten der Gedanke so auftrat, daß er als Erzeugnis des Selbstbewußtseins eine Rechtfertigung aus dem Weltbild verlangte, erweist er sich seit dem sechzehnten Jahrhundert klar und deutlich im Selbstbewußtsein auf sich allein gestellt. Er hatte vorher noch in dem Naturbilde selbst eine Stütze für seine Rechtfertigung erblicken können; nunmehr tritt an ihn die Aufgabe heran, aus seiner eigenen Kraft heraus sich Gültigkeit zu schaffen. Die Denker der nun folgenden Zeit empfinden, wie in dem Gedankenerleben selbst etwas gesucht werden müsse, das dieses Erleben als berechtigten Schöpfer eines Weltanschauungsbildes erweist.

[ 11 ] Man kann das Bedeutsame dieser Wandlung des Seelenlebens erkennen, wenn man erwägt, in welcher Art noch Naturphilosophen wie H. Cardanus (1501 1576) und Bernardinus Telesius (1508-1588) über die Naturvorgänge sprechen. In ihnen wirkt das Naturbild noch weiter, das durch die Entstehung der naturwissenschaftlichen Vorstellungsart des Kopernikus, Galilei und anderer seine Kraft verliert. Für Cardanus lebt in den Naturvorgängen durchaus noch etwas, das er sich nach Art des Menschlich-Seelischen vorstellt, wie das auch im griechischen Denken möglich gewesen wäre. Telesius spricht von Gestaltungskräften in der Natur, welche er nach dem Bilde denkt, das er aus der menschlichen Gestaltungskraft gewinnt. Galilei muß bereits sagen: Das, was der Mensch zum Beispiel als Wärmeempfindung in sich hat, ist als solches in der äußeren Natur ebensowenig vorhanden, wie der Kitzel, den der Mensch an der Fußsohle empfindet, in der Außenwelt vorhanden ist, wenn er mit einer Vogelfeder berührt wird. Telesius darf noch sagen: Wärme und Kälte sind die treibenden Kräfte der Weltvorgänge; Galilei muß schon behaupten: Der Mensch kennt die Wärme als Erlebnis seines Innern nur; in dem Naturbilde kann nur gedacht werden, was nichts von diesem Innern enthält. So werden Vorstellungen der Mathematik und der Mechanik zu dem, was das Naturbild allein gestalten darf. An einer Persönlichkeit wie Leonardo da Vinci 1452-1519), der als Denker eine ebenso überragende Größe hat wie als Künstler, erkennt man das Ringen nach einer neuen Gesetzmäßigkeit des Naturbildes. Solche Geister fühlen die Notwendigkeit, zur Natur einen Weg zu finden, der dem griechischen Denken und seinen Nachwirkungen im Mittelalter noch nicht gegeben war. Der Mensch muß ablegen, was er an Erlebnissen über sein eigenes Innere hat, wenn er den Zugang zur Natur gewinnen will. Er darf die Natur nur in Vorstellungen abbilden, welche nichts von dem enthalten, was er als Wirkungen der Natur in sich selbst erlebt.

[ 12 ] So stellt sich die Menschenseele aus der Natur heraus, sie stellt sich auf sich selbst. Solange man noch denken konnte, in der Natur ströme etwas von dem, was auch im Menschen unmittelbar erlebt wird, konnte man ohne Bedenken sich berechtigt fühlen, über Naturvorgänge den Gedanken sprechen zu lassen. Das Naturbild der neueren Zeit zwingt das menschliche Selbstbewußtsein, sich mit dem Gedanken außerhalb der Natur zu fühlen und so ihm eine Geltung zu schaffen, die er durch seine eigene Kraft gewinnt.

[ 13 ] Vom Beginne der christlichen Zeitrechnung bis zu Scotus Erigena wirkt das Gedankenerleben so fort, daß seine Gestalt bestimmt wird durch die Voraussetzung einer geistigen Welt derjenigen der religiösen Offenbarung -; vom achten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert ringt sich das Gedankenerlebnis aus dem Inneren des Selbstbewußtseins los und läßt neben seiner Keimkraft die andere der Offenbarung bestehen. Von dem sechzehnten Jahrhundert an ist es das Naturbild, welches das Gedankenerlebnis aus sich hinausdrängt; es sucht fortan das Selbstbewußtsein aus seinen eigenen Kräften dasjenige zu holen, was ein Weltanschauungsbild mit Hilfe des Gedankens gestalten kann. Vor dieser Aufgabe fand sich Descartes. Es fanden sich vor ihr die Denker der neuen Weltanschauungsepoche.

[ 14 ] Benedict Spinoza (1632-1677) frägt sich: Wie muß dasjenige gedacht werden, von dem zur Schöpfung eines wahren Weltbildes ausgegangen werden darf? Diesem Ausgangspunkte liegt zugrunde die Empfindung: Mögen sich ungezählte Gedanken als wahr in meiner Seele ankündigen, ich gebe mich dem hin als Grundstein zu einer Weltanschauung, dessen Eigenschaften ich erst bestimmen muß. Spinoza findet, daß ausgegangen nur werden kann von dem, das zu seinem Sein keines andern bedarf. Diesem Sein gibt er den Namen Substanz. Und er findet, daß es nur eine solche Substanz geben könne, und daß diese Gott sei. Wenn man sich die Art ansieht, wie Spinoza zu diesem Anfang seines Philosophierens kommt, so findet man seinen Weg dem der Mathematik nachgebildet. Wie der Mathematiker von allgemeinen Wahrheiten ausgeht, die das menschliche Ich sich freischaffend bildet, so verlangt Spinoza, daß die Weltanschauung von solchen frei geschaffenen Vorstellungen ausgehe. Die eine Substanz ist so, wie das Ich sie denken muß. So gedacht, duldet sie nichts, was, außer ihr vorhanden, ihr gleich wäre. Denn dann wäre sie nicht alles; sie hätte zu ihrem Dasein etwas anderes nötig. Alles andere ist also nur an der Substanz, als eines ihrer Attribute, wie Spinoza sagt. Zwei solcher Attribute sind dem Menschen erkennbar. Das eine erblickt er, wenn er die Außenwelt überschaut; das andere, wenn er sich nach innen wendet. Das erste ist die Ausdehnung, das zweite das Denken. Der Mensch trägt in seinem Wesen die beiden Attribute; in seiner Leiblichkeit die Ausdehnung, in seiner Seele das Denken. Aber er ist mit beiden ein Wesen in der einen Substanz. Wenn er denkt, denkt die göttliche Substanz, wenn er handelt, handelt die göttliche Substanz. Spinoza erwirbt für das menschliche Ich das Dasein, indem er dieses Ich in der allgemeinen, alles umfassenden göttlichen Substanz verankert. Von unbedingter Freiheit des Menschen kann da nicht die Rede sein. Denn der Mensch ist so wenig selbst dasjenige, das aus sich handelt und denkt, wie es der Stein ist, der sich bewegt; es ist in allem die eine Substanz. Von bedingter Freiheit nur kann beim Menschen dann gesprochen werden, wenn er sich nicht für ein selbständiges Einzelwesen hält, sondern wenn er sich eins weiß mit der einen Substanz. Spinozas Weltanschauung führt in ihrer konsequenten Ausbildung in einer Persönlichkeit bei dieser zu dem Bewußtsein: Ich denke über mich im rechten Sinne, wenn ich mich nicht weiter berücksichtige, sondern in meinem Erleben mich eins weiß mit dem göttlichen All. Dieses Bewußtsein gießt dann, im Sinne Spinozas, über die ganze menschliche Persönlichkeit den Trieb zum Rechten, das ist gotterfülltes Handeln. Dieses ergibt sich wie selbstverständlich für denjenigen, in dem die rechte Weltanschauung volle Wahrheit ist. Daher nennt Spinoza die Schrift, in der er seine Weltanschauung darstellt, Ethik. Ihm ist Ethik, das ist sittliches Verhalten, im höchsten Sinne Ergebnis des wahren Wissens von dem Wohnen des Menschen in der einen Substanz. Man möchte sagen, das Privatleben Spinozas, des Mannes, der erst von Fanatikern verfolgt wurde, dann nach freiwilliger Hinweggabe seines Vermögens in Ärmlichkeit als Handwerker sich seinen Lebensunterhalt suchte, war in seltenster Art der äußere Ausdruck seiner Philosophenseele, die ihr Ich im göttlichen All wußte, und alles seelische Erleben, ja alles Erleben überhaupt von diesem Bewußtsein durchleuchtet empfand.

[ 15 ] Spinoza baut ein Weltanschauungsbild aus Gedanken auf. Diese Gedanken müssen so sein, daß sie aus dem Selbstbewußtsein heraus ihre Berechtigung zum Aufbau des Bildes haben. Daher muß ihre Gewißheit stammen. Was das Selbstbewußtsein so denken darf, wie es die sich selbst tragenden mathematischen Ideen denkt, das kann ein Weltbild gestalten, das Ausdruck ist dessen, was in Wahrheit hinter den Welterscheinungen vorhanden ist.

[ 16 ] In einem ganz anderen Sinne als Spinoza sucht Gottfried Wilhelm v. Leibniz(1646-1716) die Rechtfertigung des Ich-Bewußtseins im Dasein der Welt. Sein Ausgangspunkt gleicht dem des Giordano Bruno, insofern er die Seele oder das «Ich» als Monade denkt. Leibniz findet in der Seele das Selbstbewußtsein, das ist das Wissen der Seele von sich selbst, also die Offenbarung des Ich. Es kann nichts anderes in der Seele sein, was denkt und empfindet, als nur sie selbst. Denn wie sollte die Seele von sich wissen, wenn das Wissende ein anderes wäre? Aber sie kann auch nur ein einfaches Wesen sein, nicht ein zusammengesetztes. Denn Teile in ihr könnten und müßten voneinander wissen; die Seele weiß aber nur als die eine von sich als der einen. So ist die Seele ein einfaches, in sich geschlossenes, sich vorstellendes Wesen, eine Monade. In diese Monade kann nun aber nichts hineinkommen, was außer ihr ist. Denn in ihr kann nichts anderes als nur sie selbst tätig sein. All ihr Erleben, ihr Vorstellen, Empfinden finden usw. ist das Ergebnis ihrer eigenen Tätigkeit. Eine andere Tätigkeit in ihr könnte sie nur durch ihre Abwehr gegen diese Tätigkeit wahrnehmen, das heißt, sie würde doch nur sich selbstin ihrer Abwehr wahrnehmen. Nichts Äußeres also kann in diese Monade kommen. Leibniz drückt das so aus, daß er sagt: die Monade habe keine Fenster. Alle wirklichen Wesen sind in Leibniz' Sinne Monaden. Und es gibt in Wahrheit nichts als Monaden. Nur haben diese verschiedenen Monaden verschieden intensives Innenleben. Es gibt Monaden mit ganz dumpfem Innenleben, die wie schlafend sind, solche, die wie träumend sind, dann die wachen Menschenmonaden bis hinauf zu dem höchst gesteigerten Innenleben der göttlichen Urmonade. Wenn der Mensch in seiner Sinnesanschauung nicht Monaden sieht, so kommt dies daher, daß die Monaden von dem Menschen so überschaut werden, wie etwa der Nebel, der nicht ein Nebel ist, sondern ein Mückenschwarm. Was die Sinne des Menschen sehen, ist wie ein Nebelbild, das durch die beieinander seienden Monaden gebildet wird.

[ 17 ] So ist für Leibniz die Welt in Wahrheit eine Summe von Monaden, die gar nicht aufeinander wirken, sondern unabhängig voneinander lebende selbstbewußte Wesen Iche sind. Wenn die einzelne Monade in ihrem Innenleben doch ein Abbild des allgemeinen Weltlebens hat, so rührt dies nicht davon her, daß die einzelnen Monaden aufeinander wirken, sondern davon, daß im gegebenen Falle die eine Monade das innerlich für sich erlebt, was auch eine andere Monade unabhängig von ihr erlebt. Die Innenleben der Monaden stimmen zusammen, wie Uhren dieselben Stunden zeigen, trotzdem sie nicht aufeinander wirken. Wie die Uhren zusammenstimmen, weil sie anfänglich aufeinander gestimmt sind, so sind die Monaden durch die von der göttlichen Urmonade ausgehende prästabilierte Harmonie aufeinander gestimmt.

[ 18 ] Dies ist das Weltbild, zu dem Leibniz getrieben wird, weil er es so gestalten muß, daß sich in diesem Bilde das selbstbewußte Seelenleben, das Ich, als eine Wirklichkeit behaupten kann. Es ist ein Weltbild, das völlig aus dem «Ich» selbst heraus gestaltet ist. Ja, dies kann, nach Leibniz' Ansicht, auch gar nicht anders sein. In Leibniz führt das Weltanschauungsstreben zu einem Punkte, wo es, um die Wahrheit zu finden, nichts von dem als Wahrheit hinnimmt, was sich in der Außenwelt offenbart.

[ 19 ] Im Sinne des Leibniz ist das Sinnenleben des Menschen so bewirkt, daß die Seelenmonade in Verbindung mit anderen Monaden tritt, welche ein dumpferes, träumendes, schlafendes Selbstbewußtsein haben. Eine Summe solcher Monaden ist der Leib; mit ihm ist verbunden die eine wachende Seelenmonade. Im Tode trennt sich diese Zentralmonade von den anderen und führt für sich das Dasein weiter.

[ 20 ] Ist Leibniz' Weltbild ein solches, das ganz aus der inneren Energie der selbstbewußten Seele herausgebildet ist, so ist das seines Zeitgenossen John Locke (1632-1704) völlig auf der Empfindung auferbaut, daß ein derartiges Herausarbeiten aus der Seele nicht sein dürfe. Locke anerkennt nur als berechtigte Glieder einer Weltanschauung, was beobachtet (erfahren) werden kann, und was auf Grundlage der Beobachtung über das Beobachtete gedachtwerden kann. Ihm ist die Seele nicht ein Wesen, das aus sich heraus wirkliche Erlebnisse entwickelt, sondern eine unbeschriebene Tafel, auf welche die Außenwelt ihre Einzeichnungen macht. So ist für Locke das menschliche Selbstbewußtsein ein Ergebnis des Erlebens, nicht ein Ich der Ursprung dieses Erlebens. Wenn ein Ding der Außenwelt auf den Menschen einen Eindruck macht, so ist darüber das Folgende zu sagen: An dem Dinge sind in Wahrheit nur Ausdehnung, Figur, Bewegung; durch die Berührung mit den Sinnen entstehen Töne, Farben, Gerüche, Wärme und so weiter. Was so an den Sinnen entsteht, ist nur so lange da, als die Sinne sich mit den Dingen berühren. Außer der Wahrnehmung sind nur verschieden geformte und in verschiedenen Bewegungszuständen befindliche Substanzen vorhanden. Locke fühlt sich gezwungen, anzunehmen, daß außer Gestalt und Bewegung dasjenige, was die Sinne wahrnehmen, nichts mit den Dingen selbst zu tun habe. Er macht damit den Anfang mit einer Weltanschauungsströmung, welche die Eindrücke der Außenwelt, die der Mensch erkennend erlebt, nicht als der Welt an sich angehörig betrachten will.

[ 21 ] Ein merkwürdiges Schauspiel stellt sich mit Locke vor die betrachtende Seele hin. Der Mensch soll nur erkennen können dadurch, daß er wahrnimmt und über das Wahrgenommene denkt; aber, was er wahrnimmt, hat mit den eigenen Eigenschaften der Welt nur zum geringsten Teile etwas zu tun. Leibniz weicht zurück vor dem, was die Welt offenbart, und schafft aus dem Innern der Seele ein Weltbild; Locke will nur ein Weltbild, das von der Seele im Verein mit der Welt geschaffen wird; aber durch solches Schaffen kommt kein Bild der Welt zustande. Indem Locke nicht, wie es Leibniz tut, in dem Ich selbst den Stützpunkt für eine Weltanschauung sehen kann, kommt er zu Vorstellungen, welche nicht geeignet erscheinen, eine solche zu begründen, weil sie den Besitz des menschlichen Ich nicht zum Innern der Welt zählen können. Eine Weltansicht wie diejenige Lockes verliert den Zusammenhang mit jeder Welt, in welcher das «Ich», die selbstbewußte Seele, wurzeln könnte, weil sie von vornherein von anderen Wegen zum Weltengrunde nichts wissen will, als nur von solchen, die sich im Sinnesdunkel verlieren.

[ 22 ] In Locke treibt die Weltanschauungsentwickelung eine Form hervor, innerhalb welcher die selbstbewußte Seele um ihr Dasein im Weltbilde kämpft, jedoch diesen Kampf verliert, weil sie ihre Erlebnisse nur im Verkehre mit der durch das Naturbild gegebenen Außenwelt zu gewinnen glaubt. Sie muß sich daher jedes Wissen über etwas absprechen, was zu ihrem Wesen außerhalb dieses Verkehres gehören könnte.

[ 23 ] Von Locke angeregt, kam George Berkeley (1684 bis 1753) zu völlig anderen Ergebnissen als jener. Berkeley findet, daß die Eindrücke, welche die Dinge und Vorgänge der Welt auf die menschliche Seele zu machen scheinen, doch in Wahrheit in dieser Seele selbst seien. Sehe ich «rot», so muß ich in mir dieses «Rot» zum Dasein bringen; fühle ich «warm», so lebt die «Warmheit» in mir. Und so ist es mit allem, was ich scheinbar von außen empfange. Außer dem, was ich in mir selbst erzeuge, weiß ich aber überhaupt von äußeren Dingen nichts. So aber hat es gar keinen Sinn, von Dingen zu sprechen, die materiell, stofflich sein sollen. Denn ich kenne nur, was in meinem Geiste auftritt als Geistiges. Was ich zum Beispiel Rose nenne, ist ganz Geistiges, nämlich eine von meinem Geiste erlebte Vorstellung. Es ist also, meint Berkeley, nirgends etwas anderes als Geistiges wahrzunehmen. Und wenn ich bemerke, daß etwas von außen in mir bewirkt wird, so kann es nur von geistigen Wesenheiten bewirkt sein. Denn es können Körper doch nicht Geistiges wirken. Und meine Wahrnehmungen sind durchaus Geistiges. Es gibt also nur Geister in der Welt, die aufeinander wirken. Das ist Berkeleys Anschauung. Sie wendet die Vorstellungen Lockes in deren Gegenteil um, indem sie alles, was dieser als Eindrücke der materiellen Dinge betrachtet, als geistige Wirklichkeit auffaßt, und so sich mit dem Selbstbewußtsein unmittelbar in einer geistigen Welt zu erkennen vermeint.

[ 24 ] Andere haben die Gedanken Lockes zu anderen Ergebnissen geführt. Ein Beispiel dafür ist Condillac (1715 bis 1780). Er meint, wie Locke, alle Welterkenntnis müsse, ja könne nur auf der Beobachtung der Sinne und dem Denken beruhen. Doch schritt er bis zu der äußersten Konsequenz weiter: das Denken habe für sich keine selbständige Wirklichkeit; es sei weiter nichts als eine verfeinerte, umgewandelte äußere Sinneswahrnehmung. Somit dürfen in ein Weltbild, das der Wahrheit entsprechen soll, nur Sinnesempfindungen aufgenommen werden. Seine Erläuterung in dieser Richtung ist vielsagend: Man nehme den seelisch noch ganz unaufgeweckten Menschenleib und denke sich einen Sinn nach dem anderen erwachend. Was hat man nun an diesem empfindenden Leibe mehr als vorher an dem nicht empfindenden? Einen Leib, auf den die Umwelt Eindrücke gemacht hat. Diese Eindrücke der Umwelt haben ganz und gar das bewirkt, was ein «Ich» zu sein vermeint. Diese Weltanschauung kommt zu keiner Möglichkeit, das «Ich», die selbstbewußte «Seele», irgendwo zu erfassen, und sie kommt zu keinem Weltbilde, in dem dieses «Ich» vorkommen könnte. Es ist die Weltanschauung, welche dadurch mit der selbstbewußten Seele fertig zu werden sucht, daß sie sie hinwegbeweist. Auf ähnlichen Pfaden wandeln Charles Bonnet (1720-1793), Claude Adrien Helvetius (1715-1771), Julien de La Mettrie (1709-1751) und das 1770 erschienene «System der Natur» (Système de la nature) von Holbach. Es ist in demselben alles Geistige aus dem Weltbilde vertrieben. Es wirken in der Welt nur der Stoff und seine Kräfte, und für dieses entgeistigte Bild der Natur findet Holbach die Worte: «0 Natur, Beherrscherin aller Wesen, und ihr, deren Töchter, Tugend, Vernunft und Wahrheit, seid ihr für immer unsere einzigen Gottheiten.»

[ 25 ] In de La Mettries «Der Mensch eine Maschine» kommt ein Weltanschauungsbild zutage, das von dem Naturbilde so überwältigt ist, daß es nur noch dieses gelten lassen kann. Was im Selbstbewußtsein auftritt, muß daher vorgestellt werden wie etwa das Spiegelbild gegenüber dem Spiegel. Die Leibesorganisation wäre dem Spiegel zu vergleichen, das Selbstbewußtsein dem Bilde. Das letztere hat, abgesehen von der ersteren, keine selbständige Bedeutung. In «Der Mensch eine Maschine» ist zu lesen: «Wenn aber alle Eigenschaften der Seele von der eigentümlichen Organisation des Gehirns und des ganzen Körpers so sehr abhängen, daß sie sichtlich nur diese Organisation selbst sind, so liegt hier eine sehr aufgeklärte Maschine vor ... Die Seele ist also nur ein nichtssagender Ausdruck, von dem man gar keine Vorstellung hat und den ein scharfer Kopf nur gebrauchen darf, um damit den Teil, der in uns denkt, zu benennen. Nimmt man auch nur das einfachste Prinzip der Bewegung in ihnen an, so haben die beseelten Körper alles, was sie brauchen, um sich zu bewegen, zu empfinden, zu denken, zu bereuen, kurz, um im Physischen und im Moralischen, welches davon abhängt, ihren Weg zu finden» ... «Wenn das, was in meinem Gehirn denkt, nicht ein Teil dieses Eingeweides und folglich des ganzen Körpers ist, warum erhitzt sich dann mein Blut, wenn ich ruhig in meinem Bett den Plan zu meinem Werke mache, oder einen abstrakten Gedankengang verfolge.» (Vgl. de La Mettrie, Der Mensch eine Maschine. Philosophische Bibliothek Bd. 68.) In die Kreise, in welche diese Geister auch Diderot, Cabanis und andere gehören noch zu ihnen wirkten, hat Voltaire (1694 bis 1778) die Lehren Lockes gebracht. Voltaire selbst ist wohl niemals bis zu den letzten Konsequenzen der genannten Philosophen geschritten. Er ließ sich aber selbst von Lockes Gedanken anregen, und in seinen glänzenden und blendenden Schriften ist vieles von diesen Anregungen zu fühlen. Materialist im Sinne der Genannten konnte er selbst nicht werden. Er lebte in einem zu weiten Vorstellungshorizont, um den Geist abzuleugnen. Das Bedürfnis für Weltanschauungsfragen hat er in weitesten Kreisen geweckt, weil er so schrieb, daß diese Weltanschauungsfragen an die Interessen dieser Kreise anknüpften. Über ihn wäre viel zu sagen in einer Darstellung, welche die Weltanschauungsströmungen in die Region der Zeitfragen verfolgen wollte. Das ist mit diesen Ausführungen nicht beabsichtigt. Es sollen nur die höheren Weltanschauungsfragen im engeren Sinne betrachtet werden; daher kann über Voltaire und auch über den Gegner der Aufklärung, Rousseau, hier nichts weiter vorgebracht werden.

[ 26 ] Verliert sich Locke im Sinnesdunkel, so David Hume(1711-1776) im Innern der selbstbewußten Seele, deren Erlebnisse ihm nicht von Kräften einer Weltordnung, sondern von der Macht der menschlichen Gewöhnung beherrscht scheinen. Warum spricht man davon, daß ein Vorgang in der Natur Ursache, ein anderer Wirkung sei? so frägt Hume. Der Mensch sieht, wie die Sonne den Stein bescheint; er nimmt dann wahr, daß der Stein warm geworden ist. Er sieht diese beiden Vorgänge oft aufeinander folgen. Deswegen gewöhnt er sich, sie als zusammengehörig zu denken. Er macht den Sonnenschein zur Ursache, die Erwärmung des Steines zur Wirkung. Die Denkgewöhnung verknüpft die Wahrnehmungen, nicht aber gibt es außerhalb in einer wirklichen Welt etwas, was sich als ein solcher Zusammenhang selbst offenbart. Der Mensch sieht auf einen Gedanken seiner Seele eine Bewegung seines Leibes folgen; er gewöhnt sich, zu denken, der Gedanke sei die Ursache, die Bewegung die Wirkung. Denkgewohnheiten, nichts weiter meint Hume liegen den Aussagen des Menschen über die Weltvorgänge zugrunde. Durch Denkgewohnheiten kann die selbstbewußte Seele zu Richtlinien für das Leben kommen; sie kann aber in diesen ihren Gewohnheiten nichts finden zum Gestalten eines Weltbildes, das für die Wesenheit außer der Seele eine Bedeutung hätte. So bleibt für Humes Weltanschauung alles, was der Mensch sich an Vorstellungen bildet über die Sinnesund Verstandesbeobachtung hinaus, ein bloßer Glaubensinhalt; es kann nie ein Wissen werden. Über das Schicksal der selbstbewußten Menschenseele, über ihr Verhältnis zu einer anderen als der Sinneswelt kann es nicht Wissenschaft, sondern nur Glauben geben.

[ 27 ] Leibniz' Weltanschauungsbild erfuhr eine in die Breite gehende, verstandesmäßige Ausbildung durch Christian Wolff (geb. 1679 in Breslau, Professor in Halle). Wolff ist der Meinung, es lasse sich eine Wissenschaft begründen, welche durch reines Denken dasjenige erkennt, was möglich ist, was zur Existenz berufen ist, weil es dem Denken widerspruchsfrei erscheint, und so bewiesen werden kann. Auf diesem Wege begründet Wolff eine Welt-, Seelen- Gotteswissenschaft. Es beruht diese Weltanschauung auf der Voraussetzung, daß die selbstbewußte Menschenseele in sich Gedanken bilden könne, die gültig sind für dasjenige, was ganz und gar außerhalb ihrer selbst liegt. Hier liegt das Rätsel, das sich dann Kant aufgegeben fühlte: Wie sind durch die Seele zustandegebrachte Erkenntnisse möglich, die doch Geltung haben sollen für Weltwesen, die außerhalb der Seele liegen?

[ 28 ] In der Weltanschauungsentwickelung seit dem fünfzehnten, dem sechzehnten Jahrhundert drückt sich das Bestreben aus, die selbstbewußte Seele auf sich so zu stellen, daß sie sich als berechtigt anerkennen könne, über die Rätsel der Welt gültige Vorstellungen zu bilden. Aus dem Bewußtsein der zweiten Hälfte des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts heraus empfindet Lessing(1729-1781) dieses Bestreben als den tiefsten Impuls der menschlichen Sehnsucht. Wenn man ihn hört, so hört man mit ihm viele Persönlichkeiten, welche in diesem Sehnen den Grundcharakter dieses Zeitalters offenbaren. Die Verwandlung der religiösen Offenbarungswahrheiten in Vernunftwahrheiten, das strebt Lessing an. Sein Ziel ist in den mannigfaltigen Wendungen und Ausblicken, welche sein Denken nehmen muß, doch deutlich erkennbar. Lessing fühlt sich mit seinem selbstbewußten Ich in einer Entwickelungsepoche der Menschheit, welche durch die Kraft des Selbstbewußtseins erlangen soll, was ihr vorher von außen durch Offenbarung zugeflossen ist. Was in der Geschichte vorangegangen ist, wird damit für Lessing zum Vorbereitungsprozeß für den Zeitpunkt, in dem sich das Selbstbewußtsein des Menschen allein auf sich stellt. So wird ihm die Geschichte zu einer «Erziehung des Menschengeschlechtes». Und dies ist auch der Titel seines auf seiner Höhe geschriebenen Aufsatzes, in dem er das Wesen der Menschenseele nicht auf ein Erdenleben beschränkt wissen will, sondern es wiederholte Erdenleben durchmachen läßt. Die Seele lebt durch Zwischenzeiten getrennte Leben in den Perioden der Menschheitsentwickelung, nimmt in jeder Periode auf, was diese ihr geben kann, und verkörpert sich wieder in einer folgenden Periode, um da sich weiterzuentwickeln. Sie trägt also selbst aus einem Menschheitszeitalter die Früchte desselben in die folgenden hinüber und wird so durch die Geschichte «erzogen». In Lessings Anschauung wird das Ich also über das Einzelleben hinaus erweitert; es wird eingewurzelt in eine geistig wirksame Welt, die hinter der Sinneswelt liegt.

[ 29 ] Damit steht Lessing auf dem Boden einer Weltanschauung, welche dem selbstbewußten Ich es durch dessen eigene Natur fühlbar machen will, wie das, was in ihm wirkt, nicht in dem sinnlichen Einzelleben sich restlos zum Ausdruck bringt.

[ 30 ] In anderer Art, doch mit demselben Impuls suchte Herder (1744-1803) zu einem Weltbild zu kommen. Er wendet den Blick auf das gesamte physische und geistige Universum. Er sucht gewissermaßen den Plan dieses Universums. Den Zusammengang und Zusammenklang der Naturerscheinungen, das Aufdämmern und Aufleuchten der Sprache und der Poesie, den Fortgang des geschichtlichen Werdens: alles das läßt Herder auf seine Seele wirken, durchdringt es mit oft genialischen Gedanken, um zu einem Ziele zu kommen. In aller Außenwelt so kann man sagen, stellt sich für Herder dieses Ziel dar drängt sich etwas zum Dasein, was zuletzt in der selbstbewußten Seele offenbar erscheint. Diese selbstbewußte Seele enthüllt sich, indem sie sich im Universum gegründet fühlt, nur den Weg, den ihre eigenen Kräfte in ihr genommen haben, bevor sie Selbstbewußtsein erlangt hat. Die Seele darf sich nach Herders Anschauung in dem Weltall wurzelnd fühlen, denn sie erkennt in dem ganzen natürlichen und geistigen Zusammenhang des Universums einen Vorgang, der zu ihr führen mußte, wie die Kindheit zum reifen Menschenleben im persönlichen Dasein führen muß. Es ist ein umfassendes Bild dieses seines Weltgedankens, das Herder in seinen «Ideen zu einer Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit» zur Darstellung bringt. Es ist der Versuch, das Naturbild im Einklange mit dem Geistesbilde so zu denken, daß in diesem Naturbilde auch ein Platz ist für die selbstbewußte Menschenseele. Man darf nicht außer acht lassen, daß in Herders Weltanschauung das Ringen sich zeigt, zugleich mit der neueren naturwissenschaftlichen Vorstellungsart und mit den Forderungen der selbstbewußten Seele sich auseinanderzusetzen. Herder stand vor den modernen Weltanschauungsforderungen wie Aristoteles vor den griechischen. Wie sich die beiden in verschiedener Art zu dem ihnen von ihrem Zeitalter gegebenen Bilde der Natur verhalten mußten, das gibt ihren Anschauungen die charakteristische Färbung.

[ 31 ] Wie Herder im Gegensatz zu anderen seiner Zeitgenossen sich zu Spinoza stellt, wirft Licht auf seine Stellung in der Weltanschauungsentwickelung Diese Stellung tritt in ihrer Bedeutung hervor, wenn man sie vergleicht mit derjenigen Friedrich Heinrich Jacobis (1743-1819). Jacobi findet in Spinozas Weltbild dasjenige, wozu der menschliche Verstand kommen muß, wenn er die Wege verfolgt, welche ihm durch seine Kräfte vorgezeichnet sind. Es erschöpft dieses Weltbild den Umfang dessen, was der Mensch über die Welt wissen kann. Über die Natur der Seele, über den göttlichen Weltgrund, über den Zusammenhang der Seele mit diesem kann aber dieses Wissen nichts entscheiden. Diese Gebiete erschließen sich dem Menschen nur, wenn er sich einer Glaubenserkenntnis hingibt, die auf einer besonderen Seelenfähigkeit beruht. Das Wissen muß daher, im Sinne Jacobis, notwendig atheistisch sein. Es kann in seinem Gedankenbau streng notwendige Gesetzmäßigkeit, nicht aber göttliche Weltordnung haben. So wird für Jacobi der Spinozismus die einzig mögliche wissenschaftliche Vorstellungsart; aber er sieht in diesem zugleich einen Beweis für die Tatsache, daß diese Vorstellungsart den Zusammenhang mit der geistigen Welt nicht finden kann. Herder verteidigt 1787 Spinoza gegen den Vorwurf des Atheismus. Er kann das. Denn er schreckt nicht davor zurück, das Erleben des Menschen in dem göttlichen Urwesen auf seine Art ähnlich zu empfinden wie Spinoza. Nur spricht Herder dieses Erleben auf andere Art aus als Spinoza. Dieser baut ein reines Gedankengebäude auf; Herder sucht seine Weltanschauung nicht bloß durch Denken, sondern durch die ganze Fülle des menschlichen Seelenlebens zu gewinnen. Für ihn ist ein schroffer Gegensatz von Glauben und Wissen dann nicht vorhanden wenn die Seele sich klar wird über die Art, wie sie sich selbst erlebt. Man spricht in seinem Sinne, wenn man das seelische Erleben so ausdrückt: Wenn der Glaube sich auf seine Gründe in der Seele besinnt, so kommt er zu Vorstellungen, welche nicht ungewisser sind als diejenigen, welche durch das bloße Denken gewonnen werden. Herder nimmt alles, was die Seele in sich finden kann, in geläuterter Gestalt als Kräfte hin, die ein Weltbild liefern können. So ist seine Vorstellung des göttlichen Weltengrundes reicher, gesättigter als diejenige Spinozas; aber sie setzt das menschliche Ich zu diesem Weltgrunde in ein Verhältnis, das bei Spinoza nur als Ergebnis des Denkens auftritt.

[ 32 ] Wie in einem Knotenpunkte der mannigfaltigsten Fäden der neueren Weltanschauungsentwickelung steht man, wenn man den Blick darauf richtet, wie in diese Entwickelung der Gedankengang Spinozas in den Achtzigerjahren des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts eingreift. 1785 veröffentlicht Fr. H. Jacobi sein «Spinoza-Büchlein». Er teilt darin ein Gespräch mit, das er mit Lessing vor dessen Lebensende geführt hatte. Lessing hat sich nach diesem Gespräch selbst zum Spinozismus bekannt. Für Jacobi ist damit zugleich Lessings Atheismus festgestellt. Man muß, wenn man das «Gespräch mit Jacobi» als maßgebend für die intimen Gedanken Lessings anerkennt, diesen als eine Persönlichkeit ansehen, welche anerkennt, daß der Mensch eine seinem Wesen entsprechende Weltanschauung nur gewinnen könne, wenn er die feste Gewißheit, welche die Seele dem durch eigene Kraft lebenden Gedanken gibt, zum Stützpunkt seiner Anschauung nimmt. Mit einer solchen Idee erscheint Lessing als ein prophetischer Vor-Fühler der Weltanschauungsimpulse des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts. Daß er diese Idee erst in einem Gespräche kurz vor seinem Tode äußert, und daß sie in seinen eigenen Schriften noch wenig zu bemerken ist, bezeugt, wie schwer das Ringen, auch der freiesten Köpfe, geworden ist mit den Rätselfragen, welche das neuere Zeitalter der Weltanschauungsentwickelung aufgegeben hat. Die Weltanschauung muß sich doch in Gedanken aussprechen. Doch die überzeugende Kraft des Gedankens, die im Platonismus ihren Höhepunkt, im Aristotelismus ihre selbstverständliche Entfaltung gefunden hatte, war aus den Seelenimpulsen der Menschen gewichen. Aus der mathematischen Vorstellungsart sich die Kraft zu holen, den Gedanken zu einem Weltenbilde auszubauen, das bis zum Weltengrunde weisen sollte, vermochte nur die seelenkühne Natur Spinozas. Den Lebenstrieb des Gedankens im Selbstbewußtsein zu erfühlen, und ihn so zu erleben, daß sich durch ihn der Mensch in eine geistig-reale Welt sicher hineingestellt fühlt, vermochten die Denker des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts noch nicht. Lessing steht unter ihnen wie ein Prophet, indem er die Kraft des selbstbewußten Ich so empfindet, daß er der Seele den Durchgang durch wiederholte Erdenleben zuschreibt. Was man, unbewußt, wie einen Alpdruck in Weltanschauungsfragen fühlte, war, daß der Gedanke für den Menschen nicht mehr so auftrat wie für Plato, für den er sich selbst in seiner stützenden Kraft und mit seinem gesättigten Inhalte als wirksame Weltwesenheit offenbarte. Man fühlte jetzt den Gedanken aus den Untergründen des Selbstbewußtseins heraufziehen; man fühlte die Notwendigkeit, ihm aus irgendwelchen Mächten heraus eine Tragkraft zu geben. Man suchte diese Tragkraft immer wieder bei den Glaubenswahrheiten oder in den Tiefen des Gemütes, welche man stärker glaubte als den abgeblaßten, abstrakt empfundenen Gedanken. Das ist für viele Seelen immer wieder ihr Erlebnis mit dem Gedanken, daß sie diesen nur als bloßen Seeleninhalt empfinden und aus ihm nicht die Kraft zu saugen vermögen, die ihnen Gewähr leistet dafür, daß der Mensch mit seinem Wesen sich im geistigen Weltengrunde eingewurzelt wissen dürfe. Solchen Seelen imponiert die logische Natur des Gedankens; sie erkennen ihn deshalb an als Kraft, welche eine wissenschaftliche Weltansicht erbauen müsse; aber sie wollen eine für sie stärker wirkende Kraft für den Ausblick auf eine die höchsten Erkenntnisse umschließende Weltanschauung. Es fehlt solchen Seelen die spinozistische Seelenkühnheit, den Gedanken im Quell des Weltschaffens zu empfinden und so sich mit dem Gedanken im Weltengrunde zu wissen. Es rührt von solcher Seelenverfassung her, wenn oft der Mensch den Gedanken beim Aufbau einer Weltanschauung gering erachtet und sein Selbstbewußtsein sicherer gestützt fühlt im Dunkel der Gemütskräfte. Es gibt Persönlicheiten, für welche eine Anschauung um so weniger Wert für ihr Verhältnis zu den Weltenrätseln hat, je mehr diese Anschauung aus dem Dunkel des Gemüts in das Licht des Gedankens treten will. Eine solche Seelenstimmung trifft man bei J. G. Hamann (gest. 1788). Er war, wie manche Persönlichkeiten dieser Art, ein großer Anreger. Ist nämlich ein solcher Geist genial wie er, so wirken die aus den dunkeln Gemütstiefen geholten Ideen energischer auf andere als die in Verstandesform gebrachten Gedanken. Wie in Orakelsprüchen drückte sich Hamann aus über die Fragen, welche das Weltanschauungsleben seiner Zeit erfüllten. Wie auf andere wirkte er auch auf Herder anregend. Ein mystisches Empfinden, oft mit pietistischer Färbung, lebt in seinen OrakeIsprüchen. Chaotisch kommt in ihnen zum Vorschein das Drängen der Zeit nach dem Erleben einer Kraft der selbstbewußten Seele, welche Stützpunkt all dem sein kann, was der Mensch sich über Welt und Leben zur Vorstellung bringen will.

[ 33 ] Es liegt in diesem Zeitalter, daß die Geister fühlen: Man muß hinunter in die Seelentiefen, um den Punkt zu finden, in dem die Seele mit dem ewigen Weltengrunde zusammenhängt, und man muß aus der Erkenntnis dieses Zusammenhangs heraus aus dem Quell des Selbstbewußtseins - ein Weltbild gewinnen. Doch ist ein weiter Abstand von dem, was der Mensch vermochte mit seinen Geisteskräften zu umfassen, und dieser inneren Wurzel des Selbstbewußtseins. Die Geister dringen mit ihrer Geistesarbeit nicht zu dem vor, was ihnen in dunkler Ahnung ihre Aufgabe stellt. Sie gehen gleichsam um das herum, was als Weltenrätsel wirkt, und nähern sich ihm nicht. So empfindet mancher, der den Weltanschauungsfragen gegenübersteht, als gegen Ende des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts Spinoza zu wirken beginnt. Lockesche, Leibnizsche Ideen, diese auch in Wolffscher Abschwächung, durchdringen die Köpfe; daneben wirkt neben dem Drange nach Gedankenklarheit die Scheu vor dieser, so daß in das Weltbild immer wieder die aus den Tiefen des Gemütes heraufgeholten Anschauungen zur Ganzheit dieses Bildes zu Hilfe gerufen werden. Ein solches spiegelt sich in Mendelssohn, dem Freunde Lessings, der durch die Veröffentlichung des Jacobischen Gespräches mit Lessing bitter berührt worden ist. Er wollte nicht zugeben, daß dieses Gespräch von seiten Lessings wirklich den von Jacobi mitgeteilten Inhalt gehabt habe. Es hätte sich dann so meinte er sein Freund wirklich zu einer Weltanschauung bekannt, welche mit dem bloßen Gedanken zur Wurzel der geistigen Welt reichen will. Auf diese Art komme man aber nicht zu einer Anschauung von dem Leben dieser Wurzel. Man müsse sich dem Weltgeiste anders nahen, wenn man ihn in der Seele als lebensvolle Wesenheit erfühlen wolle. Und das müsse doch Lessing getan haben. Dieser könne sich also nur zu einem «geläuterten Spinozismus» bekannt haben, zu einem solchen, der über das bloße Denken hinausgeht, wenn er zu dem göttlichen Urgrund des Daseins kommen will. In der Art, den Zusammenhang mit diesem Urgrunde zu empfinden, wie das der Spinozismus ermöglicht, davor scheute Mendelssohn zurück.

[ 34 ] Herder brauchte nicht davor zurückzuscheuen, weil er die Gedankenlinien im Weltenbild des Spinoza übermalte mit den gehaltvollen Vorstellungen, welche ihm die Betrachtung des Naturund Geistesbildes ergab. Er hätte bei Spinozas Gedanken nicht stehenbleiben können. So wie sie von ihrem Urheber gegeben waren, wären sie ihm zu grau in grau gemalt erschienen. Er betrachtete, was in der Natur und Geschichte sich abspielt und stellte das Menschenwesen in diese Betrachtung hinein. Und was sich ihm so offenbarte, das ergab ihm einen Zusammenhang des Menschenwesens mit dem göttlichen Urgrund der Welt und mit der Welt selber, durch den er sich in der Gesinnungmit Spinoza einig fühlte. Herder war unmittelbar davon überzeugt, daß die Beobachtung der Natur und der geschichtlichen Entwickelung ein Weltbild ergeben muß, durch das der Mensch seine Stellung im Weltganzen befriedigend empfindet. Spinoza meinte zu einem solchen Weltbild nur in der lichten Sphäre der Gedankenarbeit zu kommen, die nach dem Muster der Mathematik verrichtet wird. Vergleicht man Herder mit Spinoza und bedenkt man dabei die Zustimmung des ersteren zu der Gesinnung des lezteren, so muß man anerkennen, daß in der neueren Weltanschauungsentwickelung ein Impuls wirkt, der sich hinter dem verbirgt, was als Weltanschauungsbilder zum Vorschein kommt. Es ist das Streben nach einem Erlebendessen in der Seele, was das Selbstbewußtsein an die Gesamtheit der Weltvorgänge bindet. Man will ein Weltbild gewinnen, in dem die Welt so erscheint, daß der Mensch sich in ihr erkennen kann wie er sich erkennen muß, wenn er die innere Stimme seiner selbstbewußten Seele zu sich sprechen läßt. Spinoza will den Drang eines solchen Erlebens dadurch befriedigen, daß er die Gedankenkraft ihre eigene Gewißheit entfalten läßt; Leibniz betrachtet die Seele und will die Welt so vorstellen, wie sie vorgestellt werden muß, wenn die richtig vorgestellte Seele in das Weltbild richtig hineingestellt sich zeigen soll. Herder beobachtet die Weltvorgänge und ist von vornherein überzeugt, daß im menschlichen Gemüte das rechte Weltbild auftaucht, wenn dieses Gemüt sich mit aller seiner Kraft gesund diesen Vorgängen gegenüberstellt. Was Goethe später sagte, daß alles Faktische schon Theorie sei, das steht für Herder unbedingt fest. Er ist auch von Leibnizschen Gedankenkreisen angeregt; doch hätte er es nimmermehr vermocht, erst nach einer Idee des Selbstbewußtseins in der Monade theoretisch zu suchen und dann mit dieser Idee ein Weltbild zu erbauen. Die Seelenentwickelung der Menschheit stellt sich in Herder so dar, daß durch ihn besonders deutlich auf den ihr zugrundeliegenden Impuls in der neueren Zeit hingewiesen wird. Was in Griechenland als Gedanke (Idee) gleich einer Wahrnehmung behandelt worden ist, wird als Selbsterlebnis der Seele gefühlt. Und der Denker steht der Frage gegenüber: Wie muß ich in die Tiefen der Seele dringen so, daß ich erreiche den Zusammenhang der Seele mit dem Weltgrunde und mein Gedanke zugleich der Ausdruck der weltschöpferischen Kräfte ist? Das Aufklärungszeitalter, das man im achtzehnten Jahrhundert sieht, glaubte noch in dem Gedanken selbst seine Rechtfertigung zu finden. Herder wächst über diesen Gesichtspunkt hinaus. Er sucht nicht den Punkt in der Seele, wo diese denkt, sondern den lebendigen Quell, wo der Gedanke aus dem der Seele einwohnenden Schöpferprinzipe hervorquillt. Damit steht Herder dem nahe, was man das geheimnisvolle Erlebnis der Seele mit dem Gedanken nennen kann. Eine Weltanschauung muß sich in Gedanken aussprechen. Doch gibt der Gedanke der Seele die Kraft, welche sie durch eine Weltanschauung im neueren Zeitalter sucht, nur dann, wenn sie den Gedanken in seiner seelischen Entstehung erlebt. Ist der Gedanke geboren, ist er zum philosophischen System geworden, dann hat er bereits seine Zauberkraft über die Seele verloren. Damit hängt zusammen, warum der Gedanke, warum das philosophische Weltbild so oft unterschätzt wird. Das geschieht durch alle diejenigen, welche nur den Gedanken kennen, der ihnen von außen zugemutet wird, an den sie glauben, zu dem sie sich bekennen sollen. Die wirkliche Kraft des Gedankens kennt nur derjenige, der ihn bei seiner Entstehung erlebt.

[ 35 ] Wie in der neueren Zeit dieser Impuls in den Seelen lebt, das tritt hervor an einer bedeutungsvollen Gestalt der Weltanschauungsgeschichte, an Shaftesbury (1671 bis 1713). Für ihn lebt ein «innerer Sinn» in der Seele; durch diesen dringen die Ideen, welche der Inhalt der Weltanschauung werden, in den Menschen, wie durch die äußeren Sinne die äußeren Wahrnehmungen dringen. Nicht im Gedanken selbst also sucht Shaftesbury dessen Rechtfertigung, sondern durch den Hinweis auf eine Seelentatsache, welche dem Gedanken aus dem Weltengrunde heraus den Eintritt in die Seele ermöglicht. So steht für ihn eine zweifache Außenwelt dem Menschen gegenüber: die «äußere» materielle Außenwelt, die durch die «äußeren» Sinne in die Seele eintritt, und die geistige Außenwelt, welche durch den «inneren Sinn» dem Menschen sich offenbart.

[ 36 ] Es lebt in diesem Zeitalter der Drang, die Seele kennenzulernen. Denn man will wissen, wie in ihrer Natur das Wesen einer Weltansicht verankert ist. Man sieht ein solches Streben in Nikolaus Tetens (gest. 1807). Er kam bei seinen Forschungen über die Seele zu einer Unterscheidung der Seelenfähigkeiten, welche gegenwärtig in das allgemeine Bewußtsein übergegangen ist: Denken, Fühlen und Wollen. Vorher unterschied man nur das Denk- und das Begehrungsvermögen.

[ 37 ] Wie die Geister des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts die Seele zu belauschen suchten da, wo sie an ihrem Weltenbilde schaffend wirkt, das zeigt sich zum Beispiel an Hemsterhuis (1721-1790). An ihm, den Herder für einen der größten Denker nach Plato angesehen hat, zeigt sich anschaulich das Ringen des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts mit dem SeelenimpuIs der neueren Zeit. Man wird etwa Hemsterhuis' Gedanken treffen, wenn man folgendes ausspricht: Könnte die Menschenseele durch ihre eigene Kraft, ohne äußere Sinne, die Welt betrachten, so läge vor ihr ausgebreitet das Bild der Welt in einem einzigen Augenblicke. Die Seele wäre also dann unendlich im Unendlichen. Hätte die Seele keine Möglichkeit, in sich zu leben, sondern wäre sie nur auf die äußeren Sinne angewiesen, so wäre vor ihr in endloser zeitlicher Ausbreitung die Welt. Die Seele lebte dann, ihrer selbst nicht bewußt, im Meer der sinnlichen Grenzenlosigkeit. Zwischen diesen beiden Polen, die nirgends wirklich sind, sondern wie zwei Möglichkeiten das Seelenleben begrenzen, lebt die Seele wirklich: sie durchdringt ihre Unendlichkeit mit der Grenzenlosigkeit.

[ 38 ] An einigen Denkerpersönlichkeiten wurde hier versucht, darzustellen, wie der SeelenimpuIs der neueren Zeit im achtzehnten Jahrhundert durch die Weltanschauungsentwickelung strömt. In dieser Strömung leben die Keime, aus denen für diese Entwickelung das «Zeitalter Kants und Goethes» hervorgegangen ist.

The worldviews of the most recent age of thought development

[ 1 ] The flourishing of natural science in more recent times is based on the same quest as J. Böhme's mysticism. This can be seen in a thinker who grew directly out of the intellectual current that led to the first great scientific achievements of modern times in Copernicus (1473-1543), Kepler (1571-1630), Galilei (1564-1642) and others. It is Giordano Bruno (1548-1600). If one considers how he sees the world as consisting of an infinite number of small animated and emotionally experiencing primordial beings, the monads, which are uncreated and imperishable, and which in their interaction result in natural phenomena, one might be tempted to place Giordano Bruno together with Anaxagoras, for whom the world consists of homoiomeries. And yet there is a significant difference between the two. For Anaxagoras, the idea of homoiomeries unfolds as he contemplates the world; the world gives him this idea. Giordano Bruno feels: What lies behind the phenomena of nature must be thought of as a world view in such a way that the essence of the I is possible in the world view. The I must be a monad, otherwise it could not be real. Thus the assumption of monads becomes necessary. And because only the monad can be real, the truly real beings are monads with different inner properties. Something is going on in the depths of the soul of a personality like Giordano Bruno which does not come fully to his consciousness; the effect of this inner process is then the formulation of the world view. What goes on in the depths is an unconscious process of the soul: the ego feels that it must imagine itself in such a way that reality is guaranteed to it; and it must imagine the world in such a way that it can really be in this world. Giordano Bruno must form the idea of the monad so that both are possible. In Giordano Bruno's worldview of modern times, the ego fights for its existence in the world. And the expression of this struggle is the view: I am a monad; such a monad is uncreated and imperishable.

[ 2 ] Compare how differently Aristotle and Giordano Bruno arrive at the concept of God. Aristotle observes the world; he sees the meaningfulness of natural processes; he surrenders to this meaningfulness; the thought of the "first mover" of these processes is also revealed to him in the natural processes. Giordano Bruno fights his way through to the idea of monads in his soul life; the natural processes are, as it were, extinguished in the image in which innumerable monads appear interacting with each other; and God becomes the being of power acting behind all processes of the perceptible world and living in all monads. Giordano Bruno's passionate opposition to Aristotle expresses the contrast between the thinker of Greece and that of more recent times.

[ 3 ] In a variety of ways, the development of the modern worldview reveals how the ego searches for ways to experience its reality within itself. What Francis Bacon of Verulam (1561-1626) expresses bears the same hallmark, even if this is not immediately apparent when considering his endeavors in the field of worldview. Bacon of Verulam demands that the study of world phenomena should begin with unprejudiced observation; that one should then try to separate the essential from the non-essential in order to gain an idea of what lies behind a thing or process. He believes that up to his time, the thoughts that were to explain world phenomena were first conceived and then the ideas about the individual things and processes were based on these thoughts. He imagined that the thoughts were not taken from the things themselves. Bacon wanted Verulam to contrast this (deductive) method with his other (inductive) method. The concepts should be formed from the things themselves. One sees - so he thinks - how an object is consumed by fire; one observes how another object behaves towards fire, and then one observes the same with many objects. In this way one finally gets a general idea of how things behave in relation to fire. According to Bacon, it is because people did not investigate in this way in the past that so many idols prevail in the human imagination instead of true ideas about things.

[ 4 ] Goethe says something significant about this way of imagining of Bacon of Verulam: "Baco is like a man who recognizes the irregularity, inadequacy and dilapidation of an old building quite well and knows how to make this clear to the inhabitants. He advises them to abandon it, spurn the land, materials and all the accessories, look for another site and erect a new building. He is an excellent orator and persuader; he shakes some of the walls, they collapse and some of the inhabitants are forced to move out. He points to new places; they begin to level the ground, and yet it is too narrow everywhere. He presents new cracks; they are not clear, not inviting. But mainly he speaks of new, unknown materials, and now the world is served. The crowd disperses to all parts of the sky and brings back infinitely individual things, while at home new plans, new activities, new settlements occupy the citizens and devour their attention." Goethe says this in his History of the Theory of Colors, where he talks about Bacon. In a subsequent passage on Galileo, he says: "If the Verulamian method of dispersion seemed to fragment natural science for ever, Galileo immediately brought it back together again: he brought the science of nature back to man, and showed even in his early youth that genius is one case in a thousand, by developing the doctrine of the pendulum and the fall of bodies from swinging church lamps. Everything in science depends on what is called an aperu, on an awareness of what actually underlies the phenomena. And such an awareness is infinitely fruitful."

[ 5 ] Goethe thus points sharply to what is characteristic of Bacon. He wants to find a safe path for science. For in this way, he hoped, man would find a secure relationship to the world. Bacon felt that the new age could no longer follow the path of Aristotle. But he does not know that in different ages different soul forces are predominantly active in man. He only realizes that he, Bacon, must reject Aristotle. He does so passionately. So much so that Goethe uses the words: "For how can one listen with composure when he compares the works of Aristotle and Plato to light tablets, which, because they are not made up of a competent, substantial mass, can easily be washed over to us on the tide of time." Bacon does not understand that he himself wants to achieve what Plato and Aristotle achieved, and that he must use other means to reach the same goal, because the means of antiquity can no longer be those of the new age. He points to a path which might seem fruitful for research in the external field of nature; but Goethe shows by the case of Galileo that in this field, too, something other than what Bacon demands is necessary. But Bacon's way must prove completely unfruitful if the soul seeks access not only to individual research but to a world view. Of what use is the search for individual phenomena and the formation of general ideas from such phenomena if these general ideas do not, like flashes of light from the ground of existence, light up in the soul and show themselves to be true? In ancient times, thought appeared in the soul like a perception; this kind of appearance is dimmed by the brightness of the new I-consciousness; what leads in the soul to the thoughts that are to form a world view must take shape like the soul's own invention. And the soul must seek the possibility of giving validity to its invention, its own creation. It must be able to believe in its own creation. Bacon does not feel any of this; therefore he refers to the building materials, namely the individual natural phenomena, for the construction of the new world view. But just as little as one can ever build a house by merely observing the forms of the building blocks that are to be used, so little will a fruitful worldview ever arise in a soul that only concerns itself with the individual processes of nature.

[ 6 ] In contrast to Bacon of Verulam, who referred to the building blocks, Descartes (Cartesius) and Spinoza approach the blueprint. Descartes was born in 1596 and died in 1650. The starting point of his quest for a world view is significant. He confronts the world with unbiased questions, which presents him with various mysteries, partly through religious revelation and partly through the observation of the senses. He now considers neither the one nor the other in such a way that he simply accepts it and recognizes as truth what it brings him; no, he opposes it with the "I", which opposes all revelation and all perception with its doubt from its own decision. This is a fact of the newer striving for a world view of great significance. The soul of the thinker in the midst of the world allows nothing to make an impression on it, but opposes everything itself with the doubt that can only exist in itself. And now this soul grasps itself in its own actions: I doubt, that is, I think. So, whatever may be the case with the whole world, my doubting thinking makes it clear to me that I am. This is how Cartesius arrives at his Cogito ergo sum: I think, therefore I am. With him, the ego fights for the right to recognize its own being through radical doubt about the whole world. Descartes draws the rest of his world view from this root. He sought to grasp existence in the "I". What can justify his existence together with this "I" can be regarded as truth. The "I" finds the idea of God innate in him. This idea presents itself in the ego as truly, as clearly as the ego presents itself. But it is so sublime, so powerful, that the ego cannot have it through itself, so it comes from an external reality to which it corresponds. Descartes does not believe in the reality of the external world because this external world presents itself as real, but because the ego must believe in itself and then further in God, but God can only be thought of as true. For it would be untrue of him to present a real external world to man if it were not real.

[ 7 ] The way in which Descartes arrives at the recognition of the reality of the ego is only possible through thinking that is directed towards this ego in the narrowest sense in order to find a point of support for cognition. In other words, this possibility is only possible through an inner activity, but never through an external perception. All perception that comes from outside only gives properties of extension. Thus Descartes comes to recognize two substances in the world: the one, which is inherent in extension, and the other, which is inherent in thinking and in which the human soul is rooted. Animals, which in the sense of Descartes cannot grasp themselves in inner, self-based activity, are therefore mere beings of extension, automata, machines. The human body is also a mere machine. The soul is connected to this machine. If the body becomes useless through wear and tear and the like, the soul leaves it in order to continue living in its element.

[ 8 ] Descartes already stands in a time in which a new impulse in worldview life can be recognized. The epoch from the beginning of the Christian era to about the time of Scotus Erigena proceeds in such a way that the experience of thought is pulsated by a force which enters like a powerful impulse into the development of the mind. The thought awakened in Greece is illuminated by this force. In the outer progress of human soul-life this is expressed in the religious movements and in the fact that the young forces of the people of Western and Central Europe absorb the effects of the older thought-experience. They permeate this experience with younger, more elementary impulses and thereby transform it. This shows one of the advances of mankind which are brought about by the fact that older spiritualized currents of spiritual development, which have exhausted their vitality but not their spiritual power, are continued by young forces which emerge from the nature of humanity. In such processes one may recognize the essential laws of human development. They are based on rejuvenation processes of spiritual life. The spiritual powers acquired can only develop further if they are implanted in young natural human powers. The first eight centuries of the Christian era represent a continuation of the experience of thought in the human soul in such a way that the emergence of new forces, which want to have a formative effect on the development of the world view, still rests as if in a deeply hidden place. In Descartes these forces are already highly effective. In the age between Scotus Erigena and (approximately) the fifteenth century, thought emerges again in its own power, which it had not evidently developed in the preceding epoch. But it emerges from a completely different side than in the Greek age. With the Greek thinkers it is experienced as perception; from the eighth to the fifteenth century it comes up from the depths of the soul; man feels: Thought is generated in me. With the Greek thinkers, a relationship of thought to natural processes is still directly generated; in the age indicated, thought stands there as a product of self-consciousness. The thinker feels that he must prove the justification of thought. This is how the nominalists and realists feel; this is also how Thomas Aquinas feels, who anchors the experience of thought in religious revelation.

[ 9 ] The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries put a new impulse before souls. Slowly it prepares itself, and slowly it settles in. A transformation is taking place in the human soul organization. In the field of world-view life this transformation is expressed by the fact that thought can now be perceived not as perception but as a product of self-consciousness. This transformation can be observed in the human soul organization in all areas of human development. It can be seen in the Renaissance of art and science and of European life, as well as in the religious movements of the Reformation. You will be able to find it if you study the art of Dante and Shakespeare for its foundations in the development of the human soul. All this can only be hinted at here; for these remarks are intended to remain within the progress of the development of the worldview of thought.

[ 10 ] The emergence of the newer scientific mode of conception appears as another symptom of this transformation of the human soul organization. Just compare the state of thinking about nature, as it emerges through Copernicus, Galileo and Kepler, with what has gone before. This scientific conception corresponds to the mood of the human soul at the beginning of the modern age in the sixteenth century. From now on, nature is viewed in such a way that sensory observation is made the sole witness to it. Bacon is one personality, Galileo another, in whom this becomes clearly evident. The picture of nature should no longer be painted in such a way that thought is perceived in it as a power revealed by nature. From the image of nature gradually disappears more and more what is perceived only as a product of self-consciousness. Thus the creations of self-consciousness and the observation of nature face each other ever more sharply, ever more separated by an abyss. Descartes heralds the transformation of the organization of the soul, which pulls the image of nature and the creations of self-consciousness apart. From the sixteenth century onwards, a new character begins to assert itself in worldview life. Whereas in the preceding centuries thought had appeared in such a way that, as a product of self-consciousness, it demanded justification from the world view, since the sixteenth century it has clearly and distinctly appeared in self-consciousness on its own. Previously, he had still been able to see a support for his justification in the image of nature itself; now he was faced with the task of creating validity for himself out of his own strength. The thinkers of the time that now followed felt that something had to be sought in the experience of thought itself that would prove this experience to be the legitimate creator of a world view.

[ 11 ] The significance of this change in the life of the soul can be recognized if one considers the way in which natural philosophers such as H. Cardanus (1501 1576) and Bernardinus Telesius (1508-1588) still speak about the processes of nature. The image of nature, which lost its power with the emergence of the scientific conception of Copernicus, Galileo and others, continued to have an effect in them. For Cardanus, there is still something alive in the processes of nature that he imagines in the manner of the human soul, as would also have been possible in Greek thought. Telesius speaks of formative forces in nature, which he conceives in the image he gains from the human formative force. Galileo must already say that what man has in himself, for example, as a sensation of warmth, is just as little present as such in external nature as the tickle that man feels on the sole of his foot is present in the outside world when it is touched with a bird's feather. Telesius may still say that heat and cold are the driving forces of world processes; Galileo must already assert that man only knows heat as an experience of his inner being; in the image of nature only that which contains nothing of this inner being can be conceived. Thus the ideas of mathematics and mechanics become what the image of nature alone can form. In a personality such as Leonardo da Vinci 1452-1519), who is as outstanding a thinker as he is an artist, one can recognize the struggle for a new law of the image of nature. Such minds felt the need to find a path to nature that was not yet given to Greek thought and its after-effects in the Middle Ages. Man must discard the experiences he has of his own inner self if he wants to gain access to nature. He may only depict nature in ideas that contain nothing of what he experiences as the effects of nature in himself.

[ 12 ] This is how the human soul emerges from nature, it focuses on itself. As long as one could still think that something of what is also directly experienced in man flows in nature, one could feel justified without hesitation in letting thought speak about natural processes. The image of nature in more recent times forces human self-consciousness to feel itself outside of nature with the thought and thus to create a validity for it that it gains through its own power.

[ 13 ] From the beginning of the Christian era until Scotus Erigena, the experience of thought continues to work in such a way that its form is determined by the presupposition of a spiritual world - that of religious revelation; from the eighth to the sixteenth century, the experience of thought wrests itself free from the interior of self-consciousness and allows the other of revelation to exist alongside its germinal power. From the sixteenth century onwards, it is the image of nature that pushes the experience of thought out of itself; from then on, self-consciousness seeks to draw from its own powers that which a worldview can form with the help of thought. Descartes was faced with this task. The thinkers of the new worldview epoch found themselves before it.

[ 14 ] Benedict Spinoza (1632-1677) asked himself: How must that be conceived from which the creation of a true world view may be started? This starting point is based on perception: May countless thoughts announce themselves as true in my soul, I give myself to it as the foundation stone for a world view whose characteristics I must first determine. Spinoza finds that only that which needs no other for its being can be assumed. He gives this being the name substance. And he finds that there can only be one such substance, and that this is God. If we look at the way in which Spinoza arrives at this beginning of his philosophizing, we find that his path is modeled on that of mathematics. Just as the mathematician starts from general truths which the human ego forms freely, so Spinoza demands that the world view should start from such freely created ideas. The one substance is as the ego must think it. Thus conceived, it tolerates nothing that, apart from it, would be equal to it. For then it would not be everything; it would need something else for its existence. Everything else is therefore only in the substance, as one of its attributes, as Spinoza says. Two such attributes are recognizable to man. One he sees when he looks at the outside world; the other when he turns inwards. The first is expansion, the second is thinking. Man bears both attributes in his being; expansion in his body and thinking in his soul. But with both he is one being in the one substance. When he thinks, the divine substance thinks; when he acts, the divine substance acts. Spinoza acquires existence for the human ego by anchoring this ego in the general, all-encompassing divine substance. There can be no question of unconditional human freedom. For man is no more the thing that acts and thinks of itself than the stone is the thing that moves; it is the one substance in everything. We can only speak of conditional freedom in man when he does not regard himself as an independent individual being, but when he knows himself to be one with the one substance. Spinoza's world view, in its consistent development in a personality, leads to the consciousness of that personality: I think about myself in the right sense when I take no further account of myself, but in my experience know myself to be one with the divine All. This consciousness then, in the sense of Spinoza, pours over the whole human personality the impulse to do what is right, that is God-filled action. This comes naturally to those in whom the right view of the world is complete truth. This is why Spinoza calls the writing in which he presents his worldview ethics. For him, ethics, that is moral behavior, is in the highest sense the result of the true knowledge of man's dwelling in the one substance. One might say that the private life of Spinoza, the man who was first persecuted by fanatics and then, after voluntarily giving away his fortune, sought his livelihood in poverty as a craftsman, was in the rarest way the outward expression of his philosopher's soul, which knew its ego in the divine universe and felt that all mental experience, indeed all experience in general, was illuminated by this consciousness.

[ 15 ] Spinoza builds a worldview from thoughts. These thoughts must be such that they have their justification for the construction of the picture from self-consciousness. That is where their certainty must come from. What the self-consciousness is allowed to think in the way it thinks the self-supporting mathematical ideas can form a world view that is an expression of what is in truth present behind the world phenomena.

[ 16 ] In a completely different sense from Spinoza, Gottfried Wilhelm v. Leibniz (1646-1716) seeks the justification of the I-consciousness in the existence of the world. His starting point is similar to that of Giordano Bruno, insofar as he thinks of the soul or the "I" as a monad. Leibniz finds self-consciousness in the soul, which is the soul's knowledge of itself, i.e. the revelation of the ego. There can be nothing else in the soul that thinks and feels but itself. For how could the soul know about itself if the knower were something else? But it can also only be a simple being, not a composite one. For parts in it could and should know of each other; but the soul only knows of itself as the one. Thus the soul is a simple, self-contained, self-imagining being, a monad. But nothing can enter this monad that is outside of it. For nothing other than itself can be active in it. All its experiencing, imagining, perceiving, etc. is the result of its own activity. It could only perceive another activity within itself through its defense against this activity, that is, it would only perceive itself in its defense. Nothing external can therefore enter this monad. Leibniz expresses this by saying that the monad has no windows. All real beings are monads in Leibniz's sense. And in truth there is nothing but monads. But these different monads have different intensities of inner life. There are monads with a very dull inner life, which are as if asleep, those which are as if dreaming, then the awake human monads up to the highly heightened inner life of the divine primordial monad. If man does not see monads in his sensory perception, it is because the monads are seen by man in the same way as the fog, which is not a fog but a swarm of gnats. What man's senses see is like a misty image formed by the monads being together.

[ 17 ] So for Leibniz, the world is in truth a sum of monads that do not interact at all, but are independently living, self-conscious beings. If the individual monad nevertheless has an image of the general world life in its inner life, this does not stem from the fact that the individual monads interact with each other, but from the fact that in a given case one monad experiences inwardly for itself what another monad also experiences independently of it. The inner lives of the monads agree with each other, just as clocks show the same hours, even though they do not affect each other. Just as the clocks are in tune because they are initially in tune with each other, so the monads are in tune with each other through the pre-stabilized harmony emanating from the divine primordial monad.

[ 18 ] This is the world view to which Leibniz is driven, because he has to form it in such a way that the self-conscious soul life, the ego, can assert itself as a reality in this picture. It is a view of the world that is formed entirely out of the "I" itself. Indeed, in Leibniz's view, this cannot be otherwise. In Leibniz, the pursuit of a world view leads to a point where, in order to find the truth, it accepts nothing of what is revealed in the outside world as truth.

[ 19 ] In Leibniz's sense, man's sense life is effected in such a way that the soul monad enters into connection with other monads, which have a duller, dreaming, sleeping self-consciousness. A sum of such monads is the body; connected with it is the one waking soul monad. In death, this central monad separates itself from the others and continues to exist on its own.

[ 20 ] If Leibniz's world view is one that is formed entirely from the inner energy of the self-conscious soul, then that of his contemporary John Locke (1632-1704) is built entirely on the feeling that such a working out of the soul should not be allowed. Locke only recognizes as legitimate members of a worldview what can be observed (experienced), and what can be thought about what is observed on the basis of observation. For him, the soul is not a being that develops real experiences out of itself, but a blank slate on which the outside world makes its markings. Thus, for Locke, human self-consciousness is a result of experience, not an ego the origin of this experience. If a thing in the external world makes an impression on man, the following is to be said about it: In truth, there are only extension, figure, movement in the thing; sounds, colors, smells, warmth, and so on arise through contact with the senses. What thus arises in the senses is only there as long as the senses are in contact with things. Apart from perception, there are only differently shaped substances in different states of motion. Locke feels compelled to assume that, apart from form and motion, what the senses perceive has nothing to do with the things themselves. In doing so, he begins a current of worldview that does not want to regard the impressions of the external world that humans experience through cognition as belonging to the world itself.

[ 21 ] A strange spectacle presents itself to the contemplating soul with Locke. Man is supposed to be able to recognize only by perceiving and thinking about what he perceives; but what he perceives has only the smallest part to do with the world's own properties. Leibniz recoils from what the world reveals, and creates a picture of the world from within the soul; Locke only wants a picture of the world which is created by the soul in union with the world; but no picture of the world comes about through such creation. Since Locke cannot, as Leibniz does, see in the ego itself the point of support for a world view, he arrives at ideas which do not seem suitable for establishing such a view, because they cannot count the possession of the human ego as part of the world. A world view such as Locke's loses its connection with any world in which the "I", the self-conscious soul, could be rooted, because from the outset it wants to know nothing of other paths to the foundation of the world than only those that are lost in the darkness of the senses.

[ 22 ] In Locke, the development of the world-view produces a form within which the self-conscious soul struggles for its existence in the world-picture, but loses this struggle because it believes it can only gain its experiences by communicating with the external world given by the image of nature. It must therefore deny itself any knowledge of anything that could belong to its being outside of this intercourse.

[ 23 ] Inspired by Locke, George Berkeley (1684 to 1753) came to completely different conclusions from Locke. Berkeley found that the impressions which the things and processes of the world seem to make on the human soul are in truth in the soul itself. If I see "red", then I must bring this "red" into existence in myself; if I feel "warm", then the "warmth" lives in me. And so it is with everything that I seem to receive from the outside. But apart from what I generate within myself, I know nothing at all about external things. So it makes no sense at all to speak of things that are supposed to be material, material. For I only know what appears in my spirit as spiritual. What I call a rose, for example, is entirely spiritual, namely an idea experienced by my spirit. Thus, according to Berkeley, there is nowhere to be perceived anything other than the spiritual. And if I notice that something is caused in me from outside, then it can only be caused by spiritual beings. For bodies cannot work spiritual things. And my perceptions are definitely spiritual. So there are only spirits in the world that have an effect on each other. That is Berkeley's view. She turns Locke's ideas into their opposite by taking everything that he regards as impressions of material things as spiritual reality, and thus believes herself to recognize herself with self-consciousness directly in a spiritual world.

[ 24 ] Others have taken Locke's thoughts to other conclusions. One example of this is Condillac (1715 to 1780). Like Locke, he believed that all knowledge of the world must, indeed could only be based on the observation of the senses and thinking. However, he went on to the extreme consequence: thinking has no independent reality of its own; it is nothing more than a refined, transformed external perception of the senses. Thus, only sensory perceptions may be included in a world view that is supposed to correspond to the truth. His explanation in this regard is telling: "Take the human body, still completely unawakened in soul, and imagine one sense after another awakening. What more do we have in this sentient body than in the non-sentient body before? A body on which the environment has made impressions. These impressions of the environment have completely and utterly brought about what is supposed to be an "I". This world-view does not arrive at any possibility of grasping the "I", the self-conscious "soul", anywhere, and it does not arrive at any world-picture in which this "I" could appear. It is the world-view that seeks to come to terms with the self-conscious soul by proving it away. Charles Bonnet (1720-1793), Claude Adrien Helvetius (1715-1771), Julien de La Mettrie (1709-1751) and the "System of Nature" (Système de la nature) by Holbach, published in 1770, walk along similar paths. In it, all spirituality is expelled from the world picture. Only matter and its forces are at work in the world, and Holbach finds the words for this de-spiritualized image of nature: "0 Nature, ruler of all beings, and you, her daughters, Virtue, Reason and Truth, you are forever our only deities."

[ 25 ] In de La Mettrie's "Man a Machine", a view of the world comes to light that is so overwhelmed by the image of nature that it can only accept it. What appears in self-consciousness must therefore be imagined like the reflection in a mirror. The organization of the body should be compared to the mirror, self-consciousness to the image. The latter, apart from the former, has no independent meaning. In "Man a Machine" we read: "But if all the properties of the soul depend so much on the peculiar organization of the brain and the whole body that they are visibly only this organization itself, then here we have a very enlightened machine ... The soul is therefore only a meaningless expression, of which we have no conception at all, and which a sharp mind may only use to designate that part of us which thinks. If one assumes even the simplest principle of movement in them, the animated bodies have everything they need to move, to feel, to think, to repent, in short, to find their way in the physical and in the moral, which depends on it" ... "If what thinks in my brain is not a part of this viscera, and consequently of the whole body, why does my blood heat up when I am quietly in my bed making the plan of my work, or pursuing an abstract train of thought?" (Cf. de La Mettrie, Man a Machine. Philosophische Bibliothek vol. 68.) It was Voltaire (1694 to 1778) who brought Locke's teachings into the circles in which these spirits, including Diderot, Cabanis and others, were still active. Voltaire himself probably never went as far as the final consequences of the aforementioned philosophers. However, he himself was inspired by Locke's thoughts, and much of this inspiration can be felt in his brilliant and dazzling writings. He himself could not become a materialist in the sense of those mentioned. He lived in too broad an imaginative horizon to deny the spirit. He aroused the need for worldview questions in the widest circles, because he wrote in such a way that these worldview questions were linked to the interests of these circles. There would be much to say about him in an account that sought to trace the worldview currents in the region of contemporary issues. This is not the intention of these remarks. Only the higher worldview issues in the narrower sense are to be considered; therefore, nothing further can be said here about Voltaire or about Rousseau, the opponent of the Enlightenment.

[ 26 ] If Locke loses himself in the darkness of the mind, David Hume (1711-1776) loses himself in the interior of the self-conscious soul, whose experiences seem to him to be governed not by the forces of a world order but by the power of human habituation. Why do we speak of one process in nature as a cause and another as an effect? asks Hume. Man sees the sun shining on the stone; he then perceives that the stone has become warm. He often sees these two processes following one another. Therefore he gets into the habit of thinking of them as belonging together. He makes the sunshine the cause and the warming of the stone the effect. The habit of thinking links the perceptions, but there is nothing outside in the real world that reveals itself as such a connection. Man sees a movement of his body following a thought of his soul; he becomes accustomed to think that the thought is the cause, the movement the effect. Habits of thought, that is all Hume means, underlie man's statements about the processes of the world. Through habits of thought the self-conscious soul can arrive at guidelines for life; but it can find nothing in these habits to form a view of the world that would have any meaning for the being outside the soul. Thus, for Hume's view of the world, everything that man forms in terms of ideas beyond sensory and intellectual observation remains a mere content of belief; it can never become knowledge. About the fate of the self-conscious human soul, about its relationship to a world other than the sensory world, there can be no science, only faith.

[ 27 ] Leibniz's view of the world received a broad, intellectual education from Christian Wolff (born 1679 in Breslau, professor in Halle). Wolff is of the opinion that a science can be founded which, through pure thinking, recognizes that which is possible, that which is destined to exist because it appears to the mind to be free of contradiction and can thus be proven. In this way Wolff establishes a science of the world, of the soul, of God. This world view is based on the premise that the self-conscious human soul can form thoughts within itself that are valid for that which lies entirely outside itself. Here lies the riddle that Kant then felt he had to solve: How are insights brought about by the soul possible that are supposed to be valid for world beings that lie outside the soul?

[ 28 ] In the development of the world view since the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the endeavour has been expressed to place the self-conscious soul in such a position that it could recognize itself as entitled to form valid ideas about the riddles of the world. From the consciousness of the second half of the eighteenth century, Lessing (1729-1781) perceives this endeavor as the deepest impulse of human longing. When one hears him, one hears with him many personalities who reveal in this longing the fundamental character of this age. Lessing strives for the transformation of religious truths of revelation into truths of reason. His goal is clearly recognizable in the manifold turns and outlooks that his thinking must take. Lessing, with his self-conscious ego, feels himself to be in an epoch of the development of humanity, which is to attain through the power of self-consciousness what has previously flowed to it from outside through revelation. What has gone before in history thus becomes for Lessing a preparatory process for the point in time in which man's self-consciousness stands alone. History thus becomes for him an "education of the human race". And this is also the title of his essay, written at his height, in which he does not want the essence of the human soul to be limited to one earthly life, but allows it to undergo repeated earthly lives. The soul lives lives separated by intervening periods in the periods of human development, takes up in each period what this can give it, and embodies itself again in a following period in order to develop further there. It thus carries the fruits of one human age over into the following ages and is thus "educated" by history. In Lessing's view, the ego is thus expanded beyond individual life; it is rooted in a spiritually effective world that lies beyond the world of the senses.

[ 29 ] Thus Lessing stands on the ground of a worldview that wants to make the self-conscious ego feel, through its own nature, how that which works in it does not express itself completely in individual sensory life.

[ 30 ] In a different way, but with the same impulse, Herder (1744-1803) sought to arrive at a world view. He turned his gaze to the entire physical and spiritual universe. In a sense, he seeks the plan of this universe. The interplay and harmony of natural phenomena, the dawning and lighting up of language and poetry, the progress of historical development: Herder allows all this to affect his soul, permeating it with often ingenious thoughts in order to arrive at a goal. In all the outside world, one can say, this goal presents itself to Herder, something presses into existence that finally appears in the self-conscious soul. This self-conscious soul reveals to itself, by feeling itself founded in the universe, only the path that its own powers have taken within it before it has attained self-consciousness. According to Herder's view, the soul may feel itself to be rooted in the universe, for it recognizes in the whole natural and spiritual context of the universe a process that had to lead to it, just as childhood must lead to mature human life in personal existence. Herder presents a comprehensive picture of this idea of the world in his "Ideas for a Philosophy of the History of Mankind". It is the attempt to think the image of nature in harmony with the image of the spirit in such a way that there is also a place for the self-conscious human soul in this image of nature. One must not ignore the fact that Herder's world view shows the struggle to come to terms with the newer scientific conception and the demands of the self-conscious soul at the same time. Herder stood before the modern worldview demands like Aristotle before the Greek ones. How the two had to relate in different ways to the image of nature given to them by their age gives their views their characteristic coloring.

[ 31 ] Herder's attitude towards Spinoza, in contrast to that of other contemporaries, sheds light on his position in the development of the world view. The significance of this position becomes apparent when it is compared with that of Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi (1743-1819). Jacobi finds in Spinoza's view of the world that which the human mind must arrive at when it pursues the paths marked out for it by its powers. This world view exhausts the scope of what man can know about the world. But this knowledge cannot decide anything about the nature of the soul, about the divine ground of the world, about the connection of the soul with it. These areas only become accessible to man if he surrenders to a knowledge of faith that is based on a special capacity of the soul. Knowledge must therefore, in Jacobi's sense, necessarily be atheistic. It can have a strictly necessary lawfulness in its thought structure, but not a divine world order. Thus, for Jacobi, Spinozism becomes the only possible scientific mode of conception; but at the same time he sees in it a proof of the fact that this mode of conception cannot find the connection with the spiritual world. In 1787 Herder defended Spinoza against the accusation of atheism. He can do that. For he does not shy away from feeling the experience of man in the divine primordial being in his own way in a similar way to Spinoza. But Herder expresses this experience in a different way to Spinoza. The latter builds up a pure thought structure; Herder seeks to gain his world view not merely through thinking, but through the whole fullness of human soul life. For him, there is no sharp contrast between faith and knowledge when the soul becomes clear about the way in which it experiences itself. One speaks in his sense when one expresses the soul's experience in this way: When faith reflects on its reasons in the soul, it arrives at ideas that are no more uncertain than those that are gained through mere thinking. Herder accepts everything that the soul can find within itself in a clarified form as forces that can provide a world view. Thus his conception of the divine world ground is richer, more saturated than that of Spinoza; but it places the human ego in a relationship to this world ground that in Spinoza only appears as the result of thinking.

[ 32 ] It is like standing at a junction of the most diverse threads of the more recent development of the world view when one looks at how Spinoza's train of thought intervened in this development in the eighties of the eighteenth century. In 1785, Fr. H. Jacobi published his "Spinoza-Büchlein". In it, he recounts a conversation he had with Lessing before the latter's death. After this conversation, Lessing himself professed Spinozism. For Jacobi, this also established Lessing's atheism. If one recognizes the "Conversation with Jacobi" as authoritative for Lessing's intimate thoughts, one must regard him as a personality who acknowledges that man can only gain a world view corresponding to his nature if he takes the firm certainty which the soul gives to the thought living by its own power as the basis of his view. With such an idea, Lessing appears as a prophetic forerunner of the worldview impulses of the nineteenth century. The fact that he only expressed this idea in a conversation shortly before his death, and that it is still barely noticeable in his own writings, testifies to how difficult the struggle, even of the freest minds, has become with the puzzling questions which the newer age has given up to the development of the world view. The world view must express itself in thought. But the convincing power of thought, which had reached its climax in Platonism and found its natural development in Aristotelianism, had disappeared from the impulses of the human soul. Only Spinoza's soulful nature was able to draw the power from the mathematical mode of conception to develop thought into a picture of the world that would point to the foundation of the world. The thinkers of the eighteenth century were not yet able to sense the vital impulse of thought in self-consciousness and to experience it in such a way that man feels himself securely placed in a spiritual-real world through it. Lessing stands among them like a prophet in that he perceives the power of the self-conscious ego in such a way that he ascribes to the soul the passage through repeated earthly lives. What one felt, unconsciously, like a nightmare in questions of world-view, was that thought no longer appeared for man as it did for Plato, for whom it revealed itself in its supporting power and with its saturated content as an effective world entity. Thought was now felt to emerge from the depths of self-consciousness; the necessity was felt to give it a supporting force from some power or other. Again and again one looked for this supporting power in the truths of faith or in the depths of the mind, which one believed to be stronger than the pale, abstractly perceived thought. For many souls this is again and again their experience with the thought that they only feel it as mere soul content and are not able to draw from it the strength that guarantees them that man with his being may know himself to be rooted in the spiritual world ground. The logical nature of thought impresses such souls; they therefore recognize it as a force which must build up a scientific view of the world; but they want a force which is stronger for them for the prospect of a view of the world which embraces the highest knowledge. Such souls lack the Spinozistic boldness of soul to feel the thought in the source of world creation and thus to know themselves with the thought in the foundation of the world. It is from such a state of mind that a person often considers thought to be of little importance in the construction of a world-view and feels his self-consciousness to be more securely supported in the darkness of the powers of the mind. There are personalities for whom a view has all the less value for their relationship to the mysteries of the world the more this view wants to step out of the darkness of the mind into the light of thought. Such a mood of the soul can be found in J. G. Hamann (d. 1788). Like many personalities of this kind, he was a great stimulator. For if such a mind is brilliant like his, the ideas drawn from the dark depths of the mind have a more energetic effect on others than thoughts put into intellectual form. Hamann expressed himself as if in oracles about the questions that filled the worldview of his time. As with others, he also had a stimulating effect on Herder. A mystical feeling, often with a pietistic tinge, lives in his oracular sayings. Chaotically, they reveal the urge of time for the experience of a power of the self-aware soul, which can be the basis of everything that man wants to imagine about the world and life.

[ 33 ] It is in this age that the spirits feel: One must descend into the depths of the soul in order to find the point at which the soul is connected with the eternal ground of the world, and one must gain from the realization of this connection from the source of self-consciousness - a world view. But there is a great distance between what man was able to grasp with his spiritual powers and this inner root of self-consciousness. The spirits do not penetrate with their spiritual work to that which in dark foreboding sets them their task. They go, as it were, around that which acts as a world riddle and do not approach it. This was the feeling of many who were confronted with questions of worldview when Spinoza began to work towards the end of the eighteenth century. Lockean and Leibnizian ideas, these also in Wolffian attenuation, permeate the minds; in addition to the urge for clarity of thought, the shyness of this works, so that the views brought up from the depths of the mind are repeatedly called into the world view to help complete this picture. This is reflected in Mendelssohn, Lessing's friend, who was bitterly affected by the publication of Jacob's Conversation with Lessing. He did not want to admit that this conversation on Lessing's part had really had the content communicated by Jacobi. He believed that his friend would then really have professed a world view that seeks to reach the root of the spiritual world with mere thought. In this way, however, one does not arrive at a view of the life of this root. One must approach the world spirit differently if one wants to feel it in the soul as a living entity. And that is what Lessing must have done. He could therefore only have professed a "purified Spinozism", one that goes beyond mere thinking if it wants to reach the divine origin of existence. Mendelssohn shied away from feeling the connection with this primordial ground in the way that Spinozism makes possible.

[ 34 ] Herder did not need to shy away from this, because he painted over the lines of thought in Spinoza's picture of the world with the substantial ideas that the contemplation of the picture of nature and spirit revealed to him. He could not have stopped at Spinoza's thoughts. As they were given by their author, they would have seemed too gray in gray to him. He looked at what takes place in nature and history and placed the human being within this observation. And what was thus revealed to him resulted in a connection between the human being and the divine origin of the world and with the world itself, through which he felt in agreement with Spinoza in his mindset. Herder was directly convinced that the observation of nature and historical development must result in a world view through which man can satisfactorily perceive his position in the world as a whole. Spinoza believed that such a world view could only be arrived at in the light sphere of thought work, which is carried out according to the pattern of mathematics. If we compare Herder with Spinoza and consider the former's agreement with the latter's attitude, we must recognize that an impulse is at work in the more recent development of worldviews that is hidden behind what emerges as worldview images. It is the striving for an experience of that in the soul which binds self-consciousness to the totality of world processes. One wants to gain a world view in which the world appears in such a way that man can recognize himself in it as he must recognize himself if he allows the inner voice of his self-conscious soul to speak to him. Spinoza wants to satisfy the urge of such an experience by allowing the power of thought to unfold its own certainty; Leibniz contemplates the soul and wants to imagine the world as it must be imagined if the correctly imagined soul is to show itself correctly placed in the world picture. Herder observes the processes of the world and is convinced from the outset that the right world view emerges in the human mind when this mind confronts these processes in a healthy way with all its strength. What Goethe later said, that everything factual is already theory, is absolutely certain for Herder. He was also inspired by Leibniz's circles of thought; but he would never have been able to first search theoretically for an idea of self-consciousness in the monad and then build a world view with this idea. The development of the soul of mankind is presented in Herder in such a way that he points particularly clearly to the underlying impulse in modern times. What in Greece was treated as a thought (idea) like a perception is felt as a self-experience of the soul. And the thinker is faced with the question: How must I penetrate into the depths of the soul in such a way that I reach the connection of the soul with the foundation of the world and my thought is at the same time the expression of the world-creating forces? The Age of Enlightenment, which we see in the eighteenth century, still believed to find its justification in thought itself. Herder goes beyond this point of view. He does not seek the point in the soul where it thinks, but the living source where thought springs forth from the creative principle indwelling the soul. Herder is thus close to what can be called the mysterious experience of the soul with thought. A world view must express itself in thought. But the thought only gives the soul the power it seeks through a world view in the newer age when it experiences the thought in its soul origin. If the thought is born, if it has become a philosophical system, then it has already lost its magic power over the soul. This explains why thought, why the philosophical world view is so often underestimated. This is done by all those who only know the thought that is expected of them from the outside, that they believe in, that they are supposed to profess. The real power of the thought is only known to those who experience it as it arises.

[ 35 ] How this impulse lives in souls in more recent times can be seen in a significant figure in the history of worldviews, Shaftesbury (1671 to 1713). For him, an "inner sense" lives in the soul; through this the ideas, which become the content of the worldview, penetrate the human being, just as external perceptions penetrate through the external senses. Shaftesbury therefore does not seek justification in the thought itself, but by referring to a fact of the soul which enables the thought to enter the soul from the world's foundation. Thus for him there is a twofold external world facing man: the "outer" material external world, which enters the soul through the "outer" senses, and the spiritual external world, which reveals itself to man through the "inner sense".

[ 36 ] The urge to get to know the soul is alive in this age. For one wants to know how the essence of a world view is anchored in its nature. Such a quest can be seen in Nikolaus Tetens (d. 1807). In his research on the soul, he arrived at a distinction between the faculties of the soul that has now passed into general consciousness: thinking, feeling and willing. Previously, a distinction was only made between the faculties of thought and desire.

[ 37 ] How the spirits of the eighteenth century sought to eavesdrop on the soul where it works creatively on its image of the world can be seen, for example, in Hemsterhuis (1721-1790). In him, whom Herder regarded as one of the greatest thinkers after Plato, the struggle of the eighteenth century with the soul impulse of modern times is vividly demonstrated. Hemsterhuis' thoughts will be met, for example, if we say the following: If the human soul could observe the world through its own power, without external senses, the image of the world would be spread out before it in a single moment. The soul would then be infinite in the infinite. If the soul had no possibility of living within itself, but were dependent only on the external senses, the world would be spread out before it in endless temporal expansion. The soul would then live, unconscious of itself, in the sea of sensual boundlessness. Between these two poles, which are nowhere real, but like two possibilities limit the life of the soul, the soul really lives: it permeates its infinity with boundlessness.

[ 38 ] An attempt has been made here to show how the soul impulse of modern times in the eighteenth century flows through the development of the world view. In this current live the seeds from which the "age of Kant and Goethe" emerged for this development.